Skip to main content

Full text of "Gai Iuli Caesaris Commentariorum de bello civili ..."

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was prcscrvod for gcncrations on library shclvcs bcforc it was carcfully scanncd by Googlc as part of a projcct 

to make the world's books discoverablc onlinc. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to cxpirc and thc book to cntcr thc public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subjcct 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expircd. Whcthcr a book is in thc public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, cultuie and knowledge that's often difficult to discovcr. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this flle - a reminder of this book's long journcy from thc 

publishcr to a library and fmally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Googlc is proud to partncr with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to thc 
public and wc arc mcrcly thcir custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken stcps to 
prcvcnt abusc by commcrcial partics, including placing lcchnical rcstrictions on automatcd qucrying. 
Wc also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use ofthefiles Wc dcsigncd Googlc Book Scarch for usc by individuals, and wc rcqucst that you usc thcsc filcs for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrainfivm automated querying Do nol send aulomatcd qucrics of any sort to Googlc's systcm: If you arc conducting rcscarch on machinc 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a laige amount of tcxt is hclpful, plcasc contact us. Wc cncouragc thc 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each flle is essential for informingpcoplcabout thisprojcct and hclping thcm lind 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatcvcr your usc, rcmember that you are lesponsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
bccausc wc bclicvc a book is in thc public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countrics. Whcthcr a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and wc can'l offer guidance on whether any speciflc usc of 
any speciflc book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearancc in Googlc Book Scarch mcans it can bc uscd in any manncr 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Googlc's mission is to organizc thc world's information and to makc it univcrsally acccssiblc and uscful. Googlc Book Scarch hclps rcadcrs 
discovcr thc world's books whilc hclping authors and publishcrs rcach ncw audicnccs. You can scarch through thc full icxi of ihis book on thc wcb 

at || 

ttt Press Series 






C. F. CLAY, Manager. 

Hontron: FETTER LANE, E.C. 
(Jbmburflf); loo, PRINCES STREET. 




ILeipjts: F- A. BROCKHAUS. 
»erHn: A. ASHER AND CO. 
^eia ^ork: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. 
aSombag BnH aTalcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 

[A// Rights reserved^ 













First Editim 1890. 
Reprinied 1896, 1906, 1908 



• • • 
» • 

• •• « 
•• • • 



• • 








INDEX 169 


ITALY to face Titlt 

SPAIN to face p, I 


OF BRUNDISIUM , . • to fact p, 16 



IN preparing this book I have made constant iise of 
the editions of Nipperdey (1847), Kraner revised by 
F. Hofmann*, ed. 9 (1885), Moberley (1888), Dinter (1888), 
Paul (1889), E. Hoffmann (1890). But no existing edition 
can rank in importance with the great work of M. le Colonel 
Stoffel entitled *Histoire de Jules Cdsar, Guerre Civile,' 
which continues the late Emperor Napoleon's work on the 
Gallic War. This book with its fine atlas has been of the 
greatest use to me. Another book of great value, though in 
a different way, is the * Lexicon Caesarianum' of H. Meusel, 
not yet completed, probably the most elaborate and com- 
prehensive dictionary of a single author ever published. 
Merguefs 'Lexicon zu den Schriften Casar^s und seiner 
Fortsetzer,' compiled on a simpler plan, is also extremely 
useful, and has the merit of taking into account the three 
treatises usually incUided in editions of Caesar*. Among 
other books that I have had occasion to consult I may 
mention in particular, General August von Goler^s Der 
Biirgerkrieg zwischen Casar und Pompeius, R. Schneider*s 
Die Schlacht bei Ilerda, H. Nissen's Der Ausbruch des 
Biirgerkriegs, which appeared in Von SybePs Historische 
Zeitschrift xliv (1880) and xlvi (1881), Mommsen's Die 
Rechtsfrage zwischen Casar und dem Senate, Lange's Rom- 
ische Alterthiimer, H. F. Pelham's article *Rome' in the 
Encyclopaedia Britannica. To these I may now add Prof. 
Tyrrell's interesting sketch of the political history of this 
period in the Introduction to the third volume of his edition 

* Referred to by me as KH. 

■ There is another lai^e dictionary to Caesar in course of ^uhUca.- 
tion by Menge and Preuss. 

b a 

viii PREFACE. 

of Cicero's Letters. To Dr J. S. Reid I am much indebted 
for his kindness in reading through a portion of my notes 
and sending me many useful additions and corrections. I 
only regret that owing to pressure of time I was not able to 
submit to him the notes on more than 40 chapters. 

I may mention that in the division of the chapters into 
sections I have followed the arrangement of Nipperdey*, 
which is also adopted by Paul and by Meusel in his Lexicon. 
The fact that Meusel has adopted it in a work the utihty of 
which depends so much on faciHty of reference should make 
it incumbent on all future editors to follow the same 
distribution, even though it may not be in all respects as 
satisfactory as one could wish. 

Four maps or plans accompany this edition. Two of 
them, the plan of Brundisium and the map of the Segre, are 
outlined, without details, from those given in Stoffers Atlas. 

I have added an Introduction, the object of which is 
merely to give a brief sketch of the events that led up to 
the Civil War. In an appendix wiii be found a hst of the 
more important variations of the mss, and of some of the 
alterations of the text that have been proposed. 

Magdalene College, 

13 October, 1890. 

In this edition I have corrected a few mistakes and 
slightly modified some of the notes. In doing this I have 
been helped by notices of my book in the Ciassical Review 
of July 1891 and in the Athenaeum of Aug. 8, 1891, and by 
some useful notes which I owe to the kindness of Mr E. S. 
Thompson of Christ's College. I regret that the limits 
imposed on this revision have prevented me from making 
as much use of these and other materials as they deserve. 

A. G. P. 

3 October^ 1896. 

-^ Whether originating with him or not I do not know. 


§ I. The Civil War an episode in a larger siruggle, 

TO be rightly understood, the war between Caesar and 
Pompey must be regarded as an episode in the long 
century of civil dissension that bcgan with the tribunate of 
Tiberius Gracchus in 133, and ended with the battle of Actium 
in 31, when Augustus was established as undisputed master of 
the Roman world. Without some brief historical retrospect it 
would be as difficult to discover the motives and aims of the 
two great rivals, and to realise the hopes and fears that in- 
fluenced their followers, as it would be for one who knew nothing 
of the history of England before Charles I. to appreciate the 
character of the struggle between Cromwell and the English 
monarchy. The state of the Roman Empire at the time of 
Tiberius Gracchus will form a convenient starting-point for 
such a retrospect. 

§ 2. Rome in the second century B.C 

In the middle of the second century a series of successful 
wars had made Rome supreme on the shores of the Mediter- 
ranean. The year 146 saw the final destruction of Carthage 
and the subjugation of Greece. Spain and Illyricum were 
already Roman provinces. But though increasing in military 
strength and outward growth the state began to show signs of 
disorganisation within. By persistent efforts the Pleb«»\vaA*i^^NSL^ 


access to most of the higher offices of state, and as the posses- 
sion of these offices conferred nobility a new order of nobles 
had arisen, who became in time as exclusive as the old patricians, 
and by their numbers and wealth succeeded in concentrating in 
their own hands all the powers of government, The senate, 
which was chiefly composed of the new nobility, had now 
virtually absorbed most of the functions of the popular as- 
semblies and had become the ruling power in the state. The 
oligarchy thus created, though exerting itself to the utmost to 
advance the bounds of the empire, had in view rather its own 
aggrandisement than the common welfare of the people. In- 
creased luxury, resulting from foreign conquest, and the spread 
of Greek refinement were fast banishing the old Roman sim- 
plicity of Ufe, and every year the interval between the rich and 
the poor was growing wider. An idle mob, the bane of all 
large cities, began to infest the streets of the capital, while in the 
country, the farming class, which in every state is one of the 
main elements of stability, was being either crowded out by the 
growth of large estates worked by gangs of slaves, or ruined, as 
so many of the same class have lately been among ourselves, 
by the importation of cheap foreign com. Now and then far- 
sighted men saw and tried to remedy the evils that were growing 
up on all sides, and among these reformers a foremost place 
niust bc assigned to the Gracchi. 

§ 3. The Gracchi. 

Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus as tribune in 133 proposed a 
series of measures whicli had for their object to limit the ac- 
cumulation of land in a few hands and to reinforce the small 
proprietors. He was strongly opposed by the senate, the 
representative of the dominant ohgarchy, and riots ensued, in 
onc of wbich Gracchus was slain. Ten ycars later his brothei 
Gaius Gracchus took up the task anew, but again the attempt 
was unsuccessful in spite of the fact that Gaius profiting by the 
experience of Tiberius endeavoured to estabiish his reforms on 
a wider basis. Two of his measures merit particular attention 
as fraught ivith consequences for the future. He instituted the 


pernicious practice of giving periodical grants of corn at a 
nominal price to the city mob, thus attracting the idle and 
lawless to the capital ; and secondly, he gave a definite status to 
the so-called equestrian order, consisting chiefly of the well-to-do 
business men, by giving them judicial functions, in order that 
they might counterbalance the preponderating influence of the 

§ 4. The supremacy of Gaius Marius, 

A few years after the death of Gaius Gracchus the position 
of the popular party was strengthened by the brilliant victories 
in Africa and Gaul of Gaius Marius, who by sympathy and 
descent was an opponent of the senatorial oligarchy. His 
repeated tenure of the consulship accustomed ihe minds of men 
to the supremacy of a popular leader, and he may thus be re- 
garded as a forerunner of Caesar. Under his auspices further 
attempts at reform were made by the tribune Satuminus, but 
again the scale was tumed in favour of the oligarchy, and the 
reformer met with the fate of his predecessors. 

§ 5. M, Livius Drusus. 

The next champion of the distressed commons was M. 
Livius Drusus, tribune in 91, who sought to strengthen his 
position by giving ear to the persistent demands of the ItaHan 
allied communities for admission to the Roman franchise. In 
all the recent wars they had borne a conspicuous part, and 
for some time they had been claiming the Roman citizenship as 
a reward for their fidelity. But the claim was vehemently 
opposed by the governing classes at Rome, and Drusus fell, 
another victim to the narrow prejudices of the senate, and the 
selfishness of the equites, whom he had alienated by his pro- 
jected reform of the law courts. 

§ 6. The Social War, 

Enraged at the murder of their champion the Italians broke 
out in open revolt, and for two years, 90 and 89, the so-called social 


war taxed all the energies of the state. A memorable incident of 
this war was the attempt of the Italians to establish the town of 
Corfinium in Umbria as a rival capital to Rome. Though the 
insurgents were defeated, a partial admission to the franchise 
rewarded their heroism but did not appease their discontent. 

§ 7. P* Sulpicitis Rufus. 

An attempt to satisfy their claims for a more salisfactory 
incorporation in the Roman burgess body was now made by 
Marius and by P. Sulpicius Rufus, tribune in 88. To prevent 
their proposals from being put to the vote the consuls pro- 
claimed a suspension of public business. Sulpicius and his 
armed gangs drove the consuls from the forum, and the laws 
were carried. One of the new enactments was that the conduct 
of the war with Mithradates which had recently begun should 
be entrusted to the now aged Marius. 

§ 8. Zr. Cornelius Sttlla. 

But the consul, L. Cornelius Sulla, was not the man to be 
thus summarily set aside. Bold, ambitious, a skilful soldier 
and an astute politician, he now determined on a decisive 
stroke. Summoning his legions he advanced on the capital, 
and after a brief struggle entered Rome in triumph. " Thus," 
as Mommsen says, " the first military intervention in civil feuds 
had fully demonstrated, not only that the pohtical struggles had 
reached the point at which nothing save open and direct force 
proves decisive, but also that the power of the bludgeon was of 
no avail against the power of the sword." The Sulpician laws 
were at once set aside, and the supremacy of SuUa was es- 
tablished. He made it his chief aim to crush the rising 
democracy by ruthless proscriptions, by increasing the power 
of the senate, by bringing the magistrates more under senatorial 
control, by abridging the competence of the tribunes, and by 
putting the mihtary forces of the republic into the position of a 
professional standing army. A supremacy based on such violent 
and reactionary methods was not likely to be enduring, and in 
a few years the Sullan constitution was overthrown. 


§ 9. Gneus Pompeius and the reversal of the Sullan policy, 

M. Lepidus headed the revival of the popular party in Rome, 
and in Spain Q. Sertorius as the leader of the emigrant 
democrats stirred up a rebellion which was not subdued for 
three years. The general who was finally successful in crushing 
the revolt was Gneus Pompeius, who had been for some time 
known as a brave and skilful officer and now became the leading 
man in the state. He received the proconsular command in 
Spain before he had reached the age of 30, and therefore before 
he had held the ordinary state offices. He had never been a 
hearty adherent of Sulla, and now on his return from Spain 
being desirous of the honour of a triumph, to which he was not 
legally entitled, he definitely broke with the SuUan party and 
espoused the cause of the opposition. By their aid he gained the 
consulship and a triumph. Thus were the Sullan regulations 
respecting the tenure of the different magistracies summarily set 

Pompe/s colleague in the consulship was M. Crassus, the 
great capitalist, who had recently quelled the rising of the slaves 
under Spartacus, and who, like Pompey, saw his best chance of 
political power in espousing the cause of democracy. Under 
these two leaders the opposition succeeded in reversing much 
of the policy of Sulla. The tribunes were reinstated in their 
ancient prerogatives, and for the corrupt senatorial jury courts 
were substituted mixed courts of senators, equites and tribuni 
aerarii. But though the rule of the senate was weakened, and 
the popular cause again in the ascendant, the old republic was 
practically dead, and the substance of power lay in the hands of 
the strongest military leader. That position was now held by 
Pompey. But Pompey was not fitted by nature or inclination 
to be a democratic leader, and we accordingly find him becoming 
in time a closer ally of the moderate senatorial party, who 
looked to him as the champion of order. He was entrusted 
with extraordinary powers to prosecute the war against the 
pirates who were infesting the shores of the Mediterranean, and 
against Mithradates, the great EaslexTv VSxv^, NqVo.-sft. 'm.xssnr.^s» 


perpetually menaced the Roman possessions in Asia. That a 
power such as Pompe/s, not based on any hereditary right, nor 
consolidated by time, nor indeed supported by the loyal ad- 
herence of a united people, should be exposed to the plots of an 
ambitious rival was only natural. Such a rival now arose in 
the person of Caesar, the greatest of the Romans. 

§ lo. Gaius lulius Caesar, 

Born probably in io2, of a noble family, connected by birth 
with Marius and by marriage with Cinna, Gaius Juiius Caesar 
had passed an adventurous youth and had won the hearts of 
the Roman people by his boundless hberality, his fascinating 
address and his rcckless audacity. But these showy qualities 
concealed a resolute patience and fixity of purpose that knew 
how to bide its time. The long absence of Pompey in the East 
from 67 to 62 gave him scope for increasing his popularity and 
maturing his plans. He became aedile in 6$, and in 63 he was 
elected Pontifex Maximus. 

§ 1 1. The conspiracy of Catiline, 

In the same year, 63, the conspiracy of Catiline broke out, 
only to be promptly suppressed by the energy of the consul 
Cicero. This conspiracy "was not the work of the popular 
party, and still less was it an unselfish attempt at reform*;'* it 
was rather the attempt of a desperate adventurer to retrieve his 
position by inciting the disaffected mob to a general rising. 
How far Caesar was implicated in it cannot now be known, but it 
is probable that he saw in the widespread popular discontent an 
opening for his own ambitious schemes, and that he was ready, 
if the conspiracy should gain ground, to shape the issue to suit 
his own ends. At the trial he pleaded for the life of the 
prisoners but his intervention was in vain. Some of the 
leading conspirators were executed, the rest including Catiline 
himself shortly after fell in battle, and tranquillity was for a time 
restored to Italy. 

^ Pelham: artide *Rome,* in * Encyclopaedia Britannica.' 


§ 12. Coalition of Pompey and Caesar, 

In 62 Caesar held the office of praetor. In 61 Pompey, who 
had now returned to Rome, celebrated his third triumph, while 
Caesar was absent as governor of Hispania Ulterior. On his 
retum from Spain the foUowing year he found a growing state 
of tension between Pompey and the optimates, that is, the well- 
to-do classes, who having a stake in the countrywere desirous 
of maintaining the repubhcan constitution, and were aHke 
opposed on the one hand to the excesses of an unbridled 
democracy and on the othcr to the threatened despotism of a 
military leader. Pompey's arrogant pretensions were beginning 
to estrange men of this character, and it seems to have occurred 
both to him and to Caesar that by forming a coalition they 
would'strengthen their respective positions. Each hoped to use 
the resources of the other for his own purposes. Crassus, whose 
great wealth and importance in the commercial world rather 
than any singular abihty made him a power in the state, was 
necessary to the stability of the coalition, and was accordingly 
admitted to the partnership. Thus was formed the so-called 
first triumvirate. The political alliance was cemented by the 
marriage of Pompey to Caesar^s daughter Julia. Each member 
of the alliance gaincd his immediate objects. Caesar attained 
the consulship for 59 and won great popularity by carrying some 
agrarian reforms in spite of the opposition of the optimates; 
Crassus and the men of business were gratified by the remission 
of an unfavourable contract into which the tax-farmers had 
entered and from which they had long sought releasc ; Pompey 
gained from the senate the long-delayed ratification of his 
political measures in Asia. 

§ 13. Caesar in GauL 

It was now arrangcd that Caesar should have the governor- 
ship of Gallia Cisalpina, Gallia Narbonensis and Illyricum for five 
years. By this means he would be able, as he no doubt foresaw, 
to train, in a series of campaigns against the wild ttih^s ^^^-a^SS., 


an army devoted to his interests and strong enough to cope in 
case of need with the veteran legions of Pompey. He started 
for his province in March 58, and at once began the long career 
of conquest, the details of which are familiar to all readers of 
the 'Bellum Gallicum.' It may sufifice here to say that each 
winter, when hostilities naturally ceased, he journeyed to the 
borders of Italy to keep himself in touch with the political 
movements of the capital and to confer with his adherents. In 
the spring of 56 he had a conference with Pompey and Crassus 
at Luca, and the political arrangements of the next few years 
were doubtless the result of the discussions then held. In the 
foUowing year by the law of Trebonius the province of Spain was 
assigned to Pompey and Syria to Crassus, both for five years, and 
another law prolonged Caesar's tenure of his provincial admini- 
stration for a second term of five years. Crassus proceeded to 
his new province, where he soon engaged in war with the 
Parthians, but Pompey remained in Rome and administered 
Spain through his legates Afranius and Petreius. It was in this 
year that Julia, Pompey's wife and Caesar^s daughter, died, 
whereby one of the chief links that bound the two great rivals 
was severed. Their rivalry was still farther accentuated in 53 
by the death of Crassus, who fell in battle with the Parthians. 
To a superficial observer Pompey must now have seemed the 
chief figure in the Roman world. He was master of the capital 
and was elected sole consul for 52. 

§ 14. State of feeling at Rotne, 

It may be useful here to considcr briefly the general state of 
feeling at Rome at this time. For this our best guide is the 
correspondence of Cicero with Atticus and others. Cicero may 
be regarded as reflecting on the whole the opinions of the mode- 
rate optimates, who though nominally partisans of Pompey yet 
felt almost as much distrust of their leader as they did of his 
rival, Caesar, the champion of the democratic or popular party. 
Above all things they desired peace, and to secure it they were 
wilHng on occasion to sacrifice a little of their principles. 
From these we may distinguish those whom Nissen calls the 


conservative ultras, impracticable men such as Cato and others, 
wedded to ancient forms and habits of thought, and unable to 
accommodate themselves to new views and changing situations. 
These men were of course bitter opponents of Caesar. A few 
references to Cicero's letters will help to throw light on the keen 
political strife which marked the closing years of the Roman 
republic. Writing in 59 Cicero inveighs bitterly against the 
triumvirate ; a short time ago, he says, it was agreeable to the 
multitude and harmless, though vexatious, to the Conservatives ; 
now it is hateful to all alike^ He considers that the old republic 
is gone for ever ^. In 56 and 55 we find him drawing nearer to the 
triumvirs, as he recognises the impracticability of the optimates. 
Now, he says, I approve of everything that Pompey does. All 
freedom of action is gone. We want repose, which our rulers 
are Hkely to give us if certain persons (Cato and others) could 
bring themselves to acquiesce more quietly in their supremacy*. 
In 54 we find him making approaches to Caesar and to Crassus ; 
he remarks that all patronage is in the hands of Caesar* In 
the following year it is clear that Pompe/s weakness and 
vacillation were fast alienating many of his supporters ; Cicero 
calls him ille perennis inimicus amicorum suorum^y but for all 
that he could not bring himself to oppose the triumvirs. The 
fact is, he says, it is the optimates who have changed, and have 
abandoned the mass of law-abiding citizens, from which he 
draws the conclusion that all wise citizens should now change 
their policy*. Signs of the approaching rupture between the two 
rivals now began to show themselves, and there were frequent 
rumours of an impending dictatorship. Moderate men like 

* Att. II. 21, § I. 

2 res publica tota periitt Att. II. ai, § i; rem publicam lunditus 
amisimusy Q. F. i. a, § 15. 
» Fam. i. 8, §§ 2—4. 
^ For Crassus cp. Fam. v. 8; for Caesar Q. F. 11. ii, § i; 13, § 1; 

14. § ^- 

^ Fam. i. 9, § 1. 

' See the whole of Fam. i. 9, which contains an elaborate justifica- 

tion of Cicero's political attitude. 


Cicero were evidently distracted with anxiety, not knowing to 
which side to attach themselves. He exhorts the young Curio, 
of whom he had a high opinion, to fit himself for public life, 
apparently in the vain hope that he might guide the state 
through the troubles that threatened it^ In 52 he writes that 
public affaiis are getting into such a state that the most fortu- 
nate man will be he who can quit the commonwealth with the 
smallest loss^. This, it will be remembered, was the year in 
which Pompey was elected to the consulship without a colleague, 
a position which made him practically dictator. Even the 
stubborn Cato supported the unconstitutional appointment, a 
striking proof of the want of spirit among the optimates. They 
had, as it has been said, deliberately effaced themsclves. 

§ 15. The constitutional struggle, 

We now come to the constitutional struggle which ushered 
in the long impending civil war. Caesar had set his heart on 
the consulship for 48. For this purpose it was necessary for him 
in the ordinary course of things to canvass the electors in person 
during the autumn of 49, but on the other hand it was to his 
interest to retain his proconsular command till the arrival of his 
successor in Jan. 48, though the command itself actually termi- 
nated in March 49, for he knew that in the event of a break 
between his governorship and the consular office he would be 
liable to impeachment. He therefore sought the prrvilege of 
being allowed to stand for the consulship in his absence. The 
question of whether this should be granted or not agitated the 
senate and the popular assemblies for several months. It was 
first raised in March 52, when a plebiscitum was carried by the 
tribunes by which Caesar was allowed to stand for the consul- 
ship in his absence at the expiration of the usual interval of 10 
years from his previous consulship. By this decree it was 
imphed though not distinctly expressed that he was at liberty, 
in accordance with the usual practice, to retain his provincial 
governorship, which strictly terminated on i March, 49, till the 

1 Fam. II. 5 and 6. ^ Fam. v. 18, § i. 


arrival of his successor on i Jan. 48 ; for otherwise what would 
be the force of the permission to oifer himself as a candidate in 
his absence ? Subsequently there was passed the lex Pompeia 
de iure magistratuum, which enacted (i) that consuls and praetors 
should not hold provincial appointments till the expiration of five 
years from their term of office ; this would allow of a successor 
to Caesar being appointed on i March, 49 ^: (ii) that in accor- 
dahce with the old rule no one should be allowed to stand for an 
office in his absence*. It will be observed that this second law 
was in direct antagonism to the privilege granted to Caesar by 
the plebiscitum. Pompe/s attention was called to the dis- 
crepancy, and he thereupon added a clause to his law excepting 
Caesar from its operation. It is almost incredible that he should 
thus have recklessly flung away the strong position that his own 
measure secured him. However it was afterwards argued by 
the lawyers that the clause had been illegally added and was 
therefore worthless. In the following year, 51, Caesar sent a 
request to the senate that his governorship should be prolonged 
till the end of 49. The request was not entertained at the time, 
but Caesar^s partisans refused to let the matter drop, and it was 
frequently discussed during the course of the year. On 29 
September a proposal was made that the appointment should 
terminate on i March, 49 ; but this was rejected by a large 
majority. Finally it was agreed after some discussion that the 
question of appointing a successor to Caesar should be deferred 
till I March, 50. When the day came the matter was again 
postponed. The next proposal was that Caesar^s tenure of the 
province should be prolonged to 13 November, 49, but again a 
settlement of the difficulty was prevented by the opposition of 
Curio, who had now become a partisan of Caesar. After many 
other abortive attempts at a compromise it was finally proposed, 
first that Caesar should give up his province and disband his 
army, secondly that both generals should disarm simultaneously. 
A large majority voted in favour of the first proposal; the second 

^ Because it made no practical difference whether his successor had 
been out of office for five years or for five years plus two months. 
Monimsen, ' Rechtsfitige/ p. 46. 

* It is not certain whether these Nfete Vwo ^\s!Cvmi\. \vr^ <2st "w^ 
cJiapters oftbe stune law. 


proposal was then put in an altered form^ that Pompey should 
disarm ; this was rejected by a large majority. It was then again 
put in its original form, that both generals should disarm simul- 
taneously, and was thereupon carried by the large majority of 370 
to 22 ^ The execution of this decree was hindered by the Pom- 
peians, who thereby put themselves in the wrong by resisting 
the expressed will of the senate. Meanwhile in view of Caesar's 
threatening attitude on the frontier and the impossibiHty of a 
satisfactory settlement of the points at issue, it was felt to be 
necessary that immediate steps should be taken for the defence 
of the capital. The task was naturally assigned to Pompey, who 
began to raise levies and organise the forces of the common- 
wealth. Curio feeling that war was inevitable fled to Caesar. 
But Caesar had apparently not yet abandoned all hope of com- 
promise, or perhaps it would be more correct to say that he 
determined to put the Pompeians as clearly as possible in the 
wrong. He sent an ultimatum by the hands of Curio, offering 
to disband his troops if Pompey would do the same. This 
was brought before the senate on i Jan. 49. At this point 
the history of the Civil War opens. How the last attempt at 
negotiation failed and the long impending war broke out may be 
read in Caesar^s own narrative. 

^ I have here foUowed Lange, * Romische Alterthiimer,* iii.* p. 395 
foll., but cp. Nissen, * Ausbruch,' § 5. It is almost impossible to make 
one's way with any certainty through the maze of confused and con- 
flicting accounts that have been handed down to us of the debates and 
divisions in the senate during this critical time. 


• • 

• • • • 

• • • 

' • • • 

' A* ••• 


• •• 

* • 

• • • 

' •• . 




I. LiTTERis a Gaio Caesare consulibus redditis, aegre i 
ab his impetratum est summa tribunorum plebis contentione, 
ut in senatu recitarentur ; ut vero ex litteris ad senatum 
referretur, impetrari non potuit. Referunt consules de re 2 
publica [in civitate]. L Lentulus consul senatui reique 
publicae se non defuturum pollicetur, si audacter ac fortiter 
sententias dicere velint ; sin Caesarem respiciant atque eius 3 
gratiam sequantur, ut superioribus fecerint temporibus, se 
sibi consilium capturum neque senatus auctoritati obtempe- 
raturum; habere se quoque ad Caesaris gratiam atque 
amicitiam receptum. In eandem sententiam loquitur Scipio : 4 
Pompeio esse in animo rei publicae non deesse, si senatus 
sequatur; si cunctetur atque agat lenius, nequiquam eius 
auxiliun^i ppstea veht, senatum imploraturum. 

II. 'HaeVScipionis oratio, quofj senatus in urbe habe- i 
batur Pompeiusque aflera?, " eii^ ipsius ore Pompei mitti 
videbatur. Dixerat aliquis leniorem sententiam, ut primo 3 
M. Marcellus, ingressus in eam orationem, non oportere 
ante de ea re ad senatum referri, quam dilectus tota Italia 




habiti et exercitus conscripti essent, quo praesidio tuto et 

3 libere senatus, quae vellet, decernere auderet ; ut M. 
CaJidius, qui cens^bat, ut Pompeius in suas provincias 
proficisceretur^ he.ciua esset armorum causa: timere Cae- 
sarem ereptij 2kli*eo duabus legionibus, ne ad eius periculuna 

4 reservar^,eV"X&tinere eas ad urbera Pompeius videretur ; ut 
M. R«dis',**qui sententiam Calidii paucis fere mutatis rebus 

5 se^lifffeafur. Hi omnes convicio L. Lentuli consulis correpti 
jeAa^tabantur. Lentulus sententiam Calidii pronuntiaturum 
se'omnino negavit, Marcellus perterritus conviciis a sua 

4 sententia discessit. Sic vocibus consulis, terrore praesentis 
exercitus, minis amicorum Pompei plerique compulsi inviti 
et coacti Scipionis sententiam secuntur : uti ante certam 

7 diem Caesar exercitum dimittat; si non faciat, eum ad- 

8 versus rem publicam facturum videri. Intercedit M. An- 
tonius, Q. Cassius, tribuni plebis. Refertur confestim de 
intercessione tribunorum. Dicuntur sententiae graves; ut 
quisque acerbissime crudelissimeque dixit, ita quam maxime 
ab inimicis Caesaris collaudatur. 

1 III. Misso ad vesperum senatu omnes, qui sunt eius 
ordinis, a Pompeio evocantur. Laudat Pompeius atque in 

2 posterum confirmat, segniores castigat atque incitat. Multi 
undique ex veteribus Pompei exercitibus spe praemiorum 
atque ordinum evocantur, multi ex duabus legionibus, quae 

3 sunt traditae a Caesare, arcessuntur. Completur urbs et 

4 ipsum comitium tribunis, centurionibus, evocatis. Omnes 
amici consulum, necessarii Pompei atque eorum, qui veteres 
inimicitias cum Caesare gerebant, in senatum coguntur; 

5 quorum vocibus et concursu terrentur infirmiores, dubii 
confirmantur, plerisque vero libere decemendi potestas 

6 eripitur. PoUicetur L. Piso censor, sese iturum ad Cae- 
sarem, item L. Roscius praetor, qui de his rebus eum 
doceant; sex dies ad eam rem conficiendam spatii postulant. 

LIB. L CAP. II— V. 3 

Dicuntur etiam ab non nuUis sententiae, ut legati ad 7 
Caesarem mittantur, qui voluntatem senatus ei proponant. 

IV. Omnibus his resistitur omnibusque oratio consulis, i 
Scipionis, Catonis opponitur. Catonem veteres inimicitiae 2 
Caesaris incitant et dolor repulsae. Lentulus aeris alieni 
magnitudine et spe exercitus ac provinciarum et regum 
appellandorum largitionibus movetur, seque alterum fore 
Sullam inter suos gloriatur, ad quem summa imperii redeat. 
Scipionem eadem spes provinciae atque exercituum impellit, 3 
quos se pro necessitudine partiturum cum Pompeio arbitra- 
tur, simul iudiciprum metus, adulatio atque ostentatio sui 
et potentium, qui in re publica iudiciisque tum plurimum 
pollebant. Ipse Pompeius, ab inimicis Caesaris incitatus 4 
et quod neminem dignitate secum exaequari volebat, totum 
se ab eius amicitia averterat et cum communibus inimicis 
in gratiam redierat, quorum ipse maximam partem illo 
affinitatis tempore iniunxerat Caesari; simul infamia dua- 5 
rum legionum permotus, quas ab itinere Asiae Syriaeque ad 
suam potentiam dominatumque converterat, rem ad arma 
deduci studebat. 

V. His de causis aguntur omnia raptim atque turbate. i 
Nec docendi Caesaris propinquis eius spatium datur, nec 
tribunis plebis sui periculi deprecandi neque etiam extremi 
iuris intercessione retinendi, quod L. Sulla reliquerat, 
facultas tribuitur, sed de sua salute septimo die cogitare 2 
coguntur, quod ilii turbulentissimi superioribus temporibus 
tribuni plebis post octo denique menses suarum actionum 
respicere ac timere consuerant. Decurritur ad illud extremum 3 
atque ultimum senatus consultum, quo nisi paene in ipso . 
urbis incendio atque in desperatione omnium salutis scelera- 
torum audacia numquam ante descensum est : dent operam 
consules, praetores, tribuni plebis, quique pro coss. sint ad 
urbem, ne quid res publica detrimenti capiat. Haec SC\j5» \ 


perscribuntur a. d. vii. Id. lan. Itaque v primis diebus, 
quibus haberi senatus potuit, qua ex die consulatum iniit 
Lentulus, biduo excepto comitiali, et de imperio Caesaris 
et de amplissimis viris, tribunis plebis, gravissime acerbissi- 
5 meque decernitur. Profugiunt statim ex urbe tribuni plebis 
seseque ad Caesarem conferunt. Is eo tempore erat 
Ravennae exspectabatque suis lenissimis postulatis responsa, 
si qua hominum aequitate res ad otium deduci posset. 

1 VI. Proximis diebus habetur extra urbem senatus. 
Pompeius eadem illa, quae per Scipionem ostenderat, agit ; 
senatus virtutem constantiamque coUaudat; Copias suas 

2 expohit: legioneshaberesese paratasx; praeterea cognitum 
compertumque sibi, aHeno esse animo in Caesarem milites 
neque eis posse persuaderi, uti eum defendant aut sequantur 

3 saltem. De reliquis rebus ad senatum refertur : tota Italia 
dilectus habeatur; Faustus SuUa propere in Mauritaniam 

4 mittatur ; pecunia uti ex aerario Pompeio detur. Refertur 
etiam de rege luba, ut socius sit atque amicus ; Marcellus 

5 vero passurum se in praesentia negat. De Fausto impedit 
Philippus tribunus plebis. De reliquis rebus senatus con- 
sulta perscribuntur. Provinciae privatis decemuntur, duae 
consulares, reHquae praetoriae. Scipioni obvenit S^rria, 
L. Domitio Gallia. PhiUppus et Cotta privato consilio 

6 praetereuntur, neque eorum sortes deiciuntur. In reliquas 
provincias praetores mittuntur. Neque exspectant, quod 
superioribus annis acciderat, ut de eorum imperio ad 
populum feratur, paludatique votis nuncupatis exeunt, quod 

7 ante id tempus accidit numquam. Consules ex urbe pro- 
ficiscuntur, lictoresque habent in urbe et Capitolio privati 

8 contra omnia vetustatis exempla. Tota Italia dilectus 
habentur, arma imperantur, pecuniae a munidpiis exi- 
guntur, e fanis toUuntur, omnia divina humanaque iura 


VII. Quibus rebus cognitis Caesar apud railites con- i 
tionatur. Omnium temporum iniurias inimicorum in se 
commemorat; a quibus deductum ac depravatum Pompeium 
queritur invidia atque obtrectatione laudis suae, cuius 
ipse honori et dignitati semper faverit adiutorque fuerit. 
Novum in re publica introductum exemplum queritur, ut 2 
tribunicia intercessio armis notaretur atque opprimeretur, 
quae superioribus annis esset restituta. SuUam nudata 3 
omnibus rebus tribunicia potestate tamen intercessionem 
liberam reliquisse; Pompeium, qui amissa restituisse vi- 4 
deatur dona, etiam, quae ante habuerint, ademisse. Quo- 5 
tienscumque sit decretum, darent operam magistratus, ne 
quid res publica detrimenti caperet, qua voce et quo senatus 
consulto populus Romanus ad arma sit vocatus, factum in 
pemiciosis legibus, in vi tribunicia, in secessione populi, 
templis locisque editioribus occupatis; atque haec supe- 
rioris aetatis exempla expiata Satumini atque Gracchorum 
casibus docet ; quamm rerum illo tempore nihil factum, ne 
cogitatum quidem. Hortatur, cuius imperatoris ductu ix 6 
annis rem publicam felicissime gesserint plurimaque proelia 
secunda fecerint, omnem Galliam Germaniamque pacave- 
rint, ut eius existimationem dignitatemque ab inimicis 
defendant. Conclamant legionis xiii, quae aderat, milites 7 
(hanc enim initio tumultus evocaverat ; reUquae nondum 
convenerant), sese paratos esse imperatoris sui tribunorum- 
que plebis iniurias defendere. 

VIII. Cognita militum voluntate Ariminum cum ea i 
legione proficiscitur ibique tribunos plebis, qui ad eum 
confugerant, convenit ; reliquas legiones ex hibernis evocat 
et subsequi iubet. Ex) L. Caesar adulescens venit, cuius 2 
pater Caesaris erat legatus. Is reliquo sermone confecto, 
cuius rei causa venerat, habere se a Pompeio ad eum privati 
officii mandata demonstrat : Velle Pompeium se Ca.esaxv -j^ 


purgatum, ne ea, quae rei publicae causa egerit, in suam 
contumeliam vertat. Semper se rei publicae commoda 
privatis necessitudinibus habuisse potiora. Caesarem quoque 
pro sua dignitat]^ debere et studium et iracundiam suam rei 
publicae dimittere neque adeo graviter irasci inimicis, ut, cum 
4 illis nocere se speret, rei publicae noceat. Pauca eiusdem 
generis addit cum excusatione Pompei coniuncta. Eadem 
fere atque eisdem verbis praetor Roscius agit cum Caesare 
sibique Pompeium commemorasse demonstrat. 

1 IX. Quae res etsi nihil ad levandas iniurias pertinere 
videbantur, tamen idoneos nactus homines, per quos ea, 
quae vellet, ad eum perferrentur, petit ab utroque, quoniam 
Pompei mandata ad se detulerint, ne graventur sua quoque 
ad eum postulata deferre, si parvo labore magnas contro- 
versias tollere atque omnem Italiam metu liberare possint 

2 Sibi semper primam rei publicae fuisse dignitatem vitaque 
potiorem. Doluisse se, quod populi Romani beneficium 
sibi per contumeliam ab inimicis extorqueretur, ereptoque 
semenstri imperio in urbem retraheretur, cuius absentis 

3 rationem haberi proximis comitiis populus iussisset. Tamen 
hanc iacturam honoris sui rei publicae causa aequo animo 
tulisse; cum litteras ad senatum miserit, ut omnes ab 

4 exercitibus discederent, ne id quidem impetravisse. Tota 
Italia dilectus haberi, retineri legiones ii, quae ab se simula- 
tione Parthid belli sint abductae, civitatem esse in armis. 

5 Quonam haec omnia nisi ad suam perniciem pertinere? Sed 
tamen ad omnia se descendere paratum atque omnia pati 
rei publicae causa. Proficiscatur Pompeius in suas pro 
vincias, ipsi exercitus dimittant, discedant in Italia omnes 
ab armis, metus e civitate tollatur, Hbera comitia atque 
omnis res publica senatui populoque Romano permittatur. 

6 Haec quo facilius certisque condicionibus fiant et iure 
iurando sanciantur, aut ipse propius accedat aut se patiatur 


accedere; fore, uti per coUoquia omnes controversiae com- 

X. Acceptis mandatis Roscius cum L. Caesare Capuam i 
pervenit ibique consules Pompeiumque invenit; postulata 
Caesaris renuntiat. IUi deliberata re respondent scriptaque 2 
ad eum mandata remittunt, quorum haec erat summa : 
Caesar in Galliam reverteretur, Arimino excederet, exercitus 3 
dimitteret; quae si fecisset, Pompeium in Hispanias iturum. 
Interea, quoad fides esset data, Caesarem facturum, quae 4 
polliceretur, non intermissuros consules Pompeiumque di- 

XI. Erat iniqua condicio postulare, ut Caesar Arimino i 
excederet atque in provinciam reverteretur, ipsum et pro- 
vincias et legiones alienas tenere ; exercitum Caesaris velle 
dimitti, dilectus habere ; poUiceri, se in provinciam iturum, 2 
neque, ante quem diem iturus sit, definire, ut, si peracto 
consulatu Caesaris non profectus esset, nuUa tamen men- 
dacii religione obstrictus videretur ; tempus vero coUoquio 3 
non dare neque accessurum polliceri magnam pacis despera- 
tionem afiferebat. Itaque ab Arimino M. Antonium cum 4 
cohortibus v Arretium mittit; ipse Arimini cum duabus 
subsistit ibique dilectum habere instituit; Pisaurum, Fanum^ 
Anconam singulis cohortibus occupat. 

XII. Interea certior factus, Iguvium Thermum prae- i 
torem cohortibus v tenere, oppidum munire, omniumque 
esse Iguvinorum optimam erga se voluntatem, Curionem 
cum tribus cohortibus, quas Pisauri et Arimini habebat, 
mittit. Cuius adventu cognito diffisus municipii voluntati 2 
Thermus cohortes ex urbe reducit et profugit. MiUtes in 
itinere ab eo discedunt ac domum revertuntur. Curio 
summa omnium voluntate Iguvium recipit. Quibus rebus 3 
cognitis confisus municipiorum voluntatibus Caesar cohortes 
legionis xiii ex praesidiis deducit Auximumque pro- 


ficiscitur; quod oppidum Attius cohortibus introductis 
tenebat dilectumque toto Piceno circummissis senatoiibus 

1 XI 11. Adventu Caesaris cognito decuriones Auximi 
ad Attium Varum frequentes conveniuntj docent, sui iudicii 
rem non esse; neque se neque reliquos municipes pati 
posse C. Caesarem imperatorem, bene de re publica me- 
ritum, tantis rebus gestis oppido moenibusque prohiberi: 

2 proinde habeat rationem posteritatis et periculi sui. Quorum 
oratione permotus Varus praesidium, quod introduxerat, 

3 ex oppido edticit ac profugit. Hunc ex primo ordine 

4 pauci Caesaris consecuti milites consistere coegerunt. Com- 
misso proelio deseritur a suis Varus; non nulla pars mili- 
tum domum discedit; reliqui ad Caesarem perveniunt, 
atque una cum eis deprensus L. Pupius, primi pili centurio, 
adducitur, qui hunc eundem ordinem in exercitu Cn. 

5 Pompei antea duxerat. At Caesar mihtes Attianos col- 
laudat, Pupium dimittit, Auximatibus agit gratias seque 
eorum facti memorem fore pollicetur. 

1 XIV. Quibus rebus Romam nuntiatis tantus repente 
terror invasit, ut, cum Lentulus consul ad aperiendum 
aerarium venisset ad pecuniam Pompeio ex senatus consulto 
proferendam, protinus aperto sanctiore aerario ex urbe 
profugeret. Caesar enim adventare iam iamque et adesse 

2 eius equites falso 'nuntiabantur. Hunc Marcellus coUega 

3 et plerique magistratus consecuti sunt. Cn. Pompeius 
pridie eius diei ex urbe profectus iter ad legiones habebat, 
quas a Caesare acceptas in Apulia hibernorum causa dis- 

4 posuerat. Dilectus circa urbem intermittuntur ; nihil citra 
Capuam tutum esse omnibus videtur. Capuae primum 
sese confirmant et coUigunf, dilectumque colonorum, qui 
lege lulia Capuam deducti erant, habere instituunt; gla- 
diatoresque, quos ibi Caesar in ludo habebat, ad forum 


productos Lentulus spe libertatis confirmat atque his equos 
attribuit et se sequi iussit; quos postea monitus ab suis, 5 
quod ea res omnium iudicio reprehendebatur, circum 
familias conventus Campani^ custodiae causa distribuit 

XV, Auximo Caesar progressus omnem agrum Pi- 1 
cenum percurrit Cunctae earum regionum praefecturae 
libentissimis animis eum recipiunt exercitumque eius omni- 
bus rebus iuvant Etiara Cingulo, quod oppidum Labienus 2 
constituerat suaque pecunia exaedificaverat, ad eum legati 
veniunt, quaeque imperaverit, se cupidissime facturos polU- 
centur. Milites imperat: mittunt Interea legio xii Caes- 3 
arem consequitur. Cum his duabus Asculum Picenum 
proficiscitur. Id oppidum Lentulus Spinther x cohortibus 
tenebat; qui Caesaris adventu cognito profugit ex oppido 
cohortesque secum abducere conatus a magna parte mili- 
tum deseritur. Relictus in itinere cum paucis incidit in 4 
Vibullium Rufum missum a Pompeio in agrum Picenum 
confirmandorum hominum causa. A quo factus VibulUus 
certior, quae res in Piceno gcrerentur, miUtes ab eo accipit, 
ipsum dimittit Item ex finitimis regionibus, quas potest, 5 
contrahit cohortes ex dilectibus Pompeianis; in his Came- 
rino fugientem LuciUum Hirrum cum sex cohortibus, quas 
ibi in praesidio habuerat, excipit; quibus coaclis xiif efiicit 
Cum his ad Domitium Ahenobarbum Corfinium magnis 6 
itineribus, pervenit Caesareraque adesse cum legionibus 
duabus nuntiat Domitius per se circitcrScx cohortes Alba, 7 
ex Marsis et PaeUgnis, finitimis ab regionibus coegerat 

XVI. Recepto Firmo cxpulsoque Lentulo Caesar con- i 
quiri miiites, qui ab eo discesserant, dileclumque institui 
iubet i ipse unura diem ibi rei frumentariae causa moratus 
Corfinium contendit. Eo cum venisset, cohortes v prae- 2 
missae a Domitio ex oppido^ pontem fluminis intemiqnpe- 
bani, qui erat ab oppido milia passuum circiter iii. Ibl -«i 


cum antecursoribus Caesaris proelio commisso celeriter 
Domitiani a ponte repulsi se in oppidum receperunt 
4 Caesar legionibus traductis ad oppidum constitit iuxtaque 
murum castra posuit/ 

1 XVII. Re cognita Domitius ad Pompeium in Apuliam 
peritos regionum magno proposito praemio cum litteris 
mittit, qui petant atque orent, ut sibi subveniat : Caesarem 
duobus exercitibus et locorum angustiis facile intercludi 

2 posse frumentoque prohiberi. Quod nisi fecerit, se cohor- 
tesque amplius xxx magnumque numerum senatorum atque 

3 equitum Romanorum in periculum esse venturum. Interim 
suos cohortatus tormenta in muris disponit certasque cuique 

4 partes ad custodiam urbis attribuit ; militibus in contione 
agros ex suis possessionibus poUicetur, quatema in sin- 
gulos iugera et pro rata parte centurionibus evocatisque. 

1 XVIII. Interim Caesari nuntiatur, Sulmonenses, quod 
oppidum a Corfinio vii milium intervallo abest, cupere ea 
facere, quae vellet, sed a Q. Lucretio senatore et Attio 
Paeligno prohiberi, qui id oppidum Vn^ cohortium praesidio 

2 tenebant. Mittit eo M. Antonium cum legionis xiii co- 
hortibus v. Sulmonenses, simul atque signa nostra viderunt, 
portas aperuerunt universique, et oppidani et milites, 

3 obviam gratulantes Antonio exierunt. Lucretius et Attius 
de muro se deiecerunt. Attius ad Antonium deductus 
petit, ut ad Caesarem mitteretur. Antonius cum cohor- 
tibus €t Attio eodem die, quo profectus erat, revertitur. 

4 Caesar eas cohortes cum exercitu suo coniunxit Attiumque 
incolumem dimisit. Caesar primis diebus castra magnis 
operibus munire et ex finitimis municipiis frumentum com- 

5 portare reliquasque copias exspectare instituit. Eo triduo 
legio viii ad eum venit cohortesque ex novis Galliae 
dilectibus xxii equitesque ab rege Norico circiter cca 
QuoiuTc^ adventu altera castra ad alteram oppidi partem 


ponit ; his castris Curionem praefecit. Reliquis diebus oppi- 6 
dum vallo castellisque circummunire instituit. Cuius operis 
maxima parte effecta eodem fere tempore missi a Pompeio 

XIX. Litteris perlectis Domitius dissimulans in con- i 
silio pronuntiat, Pompeium celeriter subsidio venturum, 
hortaturque eos, ne animo deficiant, quaeque usui ad 
defendendum oppidum sint, parent. Ipse arcano cum 2 
paucis familiaribus suis coUoquitur consiliumque fugae 
capere constituit. Cum vultus Domitii cum oratione non 
consentiret atque omnia trepidantius timidiusque ageret, 
quam superioribus diebus consuesset, multumque cum suis 
consiliandi causa secreto praeter consuetudinem coUoque- 
retur, concilia conventusque hominum fugeret, res diutius 
tegi dissimularique non potuit. Pompeius enim rescrip- 3 
serat, sese rem in summum periculum deducturum non 
esse, neque suo consilio aut vokmtate Domitium se in 
oppidum Corfinium contulisse : proinde, si qua fuisset 4 
facultas, ad se cum omnibus copiis veniret. Id ne fieri 
posset, obsidione atque oppidi circummunitione fiebat. 

XX. Divulgato Domitii consilio milites, qui erant i 
Corfinii, primo vesperi secessionem faciunt atque ita inter 
se per tribunos militum centurionesque atque honestissimos 
sui generis collocuntur: obsiderise a Caesare; opera muni- 2 
tionesque prope esse perfectas; ducem suum Domitium, 
cuius spe atque fiducia permanserint, proiectis omnibus 
fugae consilium capere: debere se suae salutis rationem 
habere. Ab his primo Marsi dissentire incipiunt eamque 3 
oppidi partem, quae munitissima videretur, occupant; tanta- 4 
que inter eos dissensio exsistit, ut manum conserere atque 
armis dimicare conentur; post paulo tamen intemuntiis 
ultro citroque missis, quae ignorabant, de L. Domitii fuga 
cognoscunt. Itaque omnes uno consilio DcstK^k»Ksv ^^-v^- '^ 


ductum in publicum circurasistunt et custodiunt legatos- 
que ex suo numero ad Caesarem mittunt : sese paratos esse 
portas aperire, quaeque imperaverit, facere et L. Domitium 
vivum eius potestati tradere. 

1 XXI. Quibus rebus cognitis Caesar, etsi magni inter- 
esse arbitrabatur quam primum oppido potiri cohortesque 
ad se in castra traducere, ne qua aut largitionibus aut animi 
confirmatione aut falsis nuntiis commutatio fieret voluntatis, 
quod saepe in bello parvis momentis magni casus inter- 

2 cederent, tamen veritus, ne militum introitu et noctumi 
temporis licentia oppidum diriperetur, eos, qui venerant, 
coUaudat atque in oppidum dimittit, portas murosque 

3 asservari iubet Ipse in eis operibus, quae facere insti- 
tuerat, milites disponit, non certis spatiis intermissis, ut 
erat superiorum dierum consuetudo, sed perpetuis vigiliis 
stationibusque, ut contingant inter se atque omnem muni- 

4 tionem expleant ; tribunos militum et praefectos circum- 
mittit atque hortatur, non solum ab eruptionibus caveant, 
sed etiam singulorum hominum occultos exitus asservent. 

5 Neque vero tam remisso ac languido animo quisquam 

6 omnium fuit, qui ea nocte conquieverit. Tanta erat summae 
rerum expectatio, ut aiius in aliam partem mente atque 
animo traheretur, quid ipsis Corfiniensibus, quid Domitio, 
quid Lentulo, quid reliquis accideret, qui quosque eventus 

1 XXII. Quarta vigilia circiter Lentulus Spinther de 
muro cum vigiliis custodibusque nostris colloquitur : velle, 

2 si sibi fiat potestas, Caesarem convenire. Facta potestate 
ex oppido mittitur, neque ab eo prius Domitiani milites 

3 discedunt, quam in conspectum Caesaris deducatur. Cum 
eo de salute sua agit^ orat atque obsecrat, ut sibi parcat, 
veteremque amicitiam commemorat Caesarisque in se bene- 
^cla exponit) quae erant maxima : quod per eum in col- 


legium pontificum venerat, quod provinciam Hispaniam 
ex praetura habuerat, quod in petitione consulatus erat sub- 
levatus. Cuius orationem Caesar interpellat : se non male- 5 
ficii causa ex provincia egressum, sed uti se a contumeliis 
inimicorum defenderet, ut tribunos plebis in ea re ex 
civitate expulsos in suam dignitatem restitueret, ut se et 
populum Romanum factione paucorum oppressum in liber- 
tatem vindicaret. Cuius oratione confirmatus Lentulus, ut 6 
in oppidum reverti liceat, petit : quod de sua salute im- 
petraverit, fore etiam reliquis ad suam spem solatio; adeo 
esse perterritos non nuUos, ut suae vitae durius consulere 
cogantur. Facta potestate discedit. 

XXIII. Caesar, ubi luxit, omnes senatores senato- i 
rumque liberos, tribunos militum equitesque Roroanos ad 
se produci iubet. Erant quinque ordinis senatorii^ L. 2 
Domitius, P. Lentulus Spinther, L. Caecilius Rufus, Sex. 
Quintilius Varus quaestor, L. Rubrius; praeterea filius 
Domitii aliique complures adulescentes et magnus numerus 
equitum Romanorum et decurionum, quos ex municipiis 
Domitius evocaverat. Hos omnes productos a contumeliis 3 
militum conviciisque prohibet; pauca apud eos loquitur, 
quod sibi a parte eorum gratia relata non sit pro suis in eos 
maximis beneficiis ; dimittit omnes incolumes. hs lx, 4 
quod advexerat Domitius atque in publico deposuerat, 
allatum ad se ab iiviris Corfiniensibus Domitio reddit, 
ne continentior in vita hominum quam in pecunia fuisse 
videatur, etsi eam pecuniam publicam esse constabat datam- 
que a Pompeio in stipendium. Milites Domitianos sacra- 5 
mentum apud se dicere iubet atque eo die castra movet 
iustumque iter conficit vii omnino dies ad Corfinium com- 
moratus, et per fines Marrucinorum, Frentanorum, Larina- 
tium in Apuliam pervenit 

XXIV. Pompeius his rebus cognitis, quae erant ad 1 


Corfinium gestae, Luceria proficiscitur Canusium atque 

2 inde Brundisium. Copias undique omnes ex novis di- 
lectibus ad se cogi iubet; servos, j^astgres armat atque 
eis equos attribuit; ex his circiter ccc equites conficit. 

3 L. Manlius praetor Alba cum cohortibus sex proftigit, 
Rutilius Lupus praetor Tarracina cum tribus; quae procul 
equitatum Caesaris conspicatae, cui praeerat Vibius Curius, 
relicto praetore signa ad Curium transferunt atque ad eum 

4 transeunt. Item reliquis itineribus non nuUae cohortes in 
agmen Caesaris, aliae in equites incidunt. Reducitur ad 
eum deprensus ex itinere N. Magius Cremona, praefectus 

5 fabrum Cn. Pompei. Quem Caesar ad eum remittit cum 
mandatis : quoniam ad id tempus facultas coUoquendi non 
fuerit, atque ipse Brundisium sit venturus, interesse rei 
publicae et communis salutis, se cum Pompeio colloqui; 

6 neque vero idem profici longo itineris spatio, cum per alios 
condiciones ferantur, ac si coram de omnibus condicionibus 

1 XXV. His datis mandatis Brundisium cum legionibus 
VI pervenit, veteranis iii et reliquis, quas ex novo dilectu 

2 confecerat atque in itinere compleverat ; Domitianas enim 
cohortes protinus a Corfinio in Siciliam miserat. Reperit, 
consules Dyrrachium profectos cum magna parte exercitus, . 
Pompeium remanere Brundisii cum cohortibus viginti; 

3 neque certum inveniri poterat, obtinendine Brundisii causa 
ibi remansisset, quo facilius omne Hadriaticum mare ab 
extremis Italiae partibus regionibusque Graeciae in potes- 
tate haberet atque ex utraque parte bellum administrare 

4 posset, an inopia navium ibi restitisset, veritusque, ne ille 
Italiam dimittendam non existimaret, exitus administra- 

5 tionesque Brundisini portus impedire instituit. Quorum 
operum haec erat ratio. Qua fauces erant angustissimae 
portMS, moles atque aggerem ab utraque parte litoris iacie- 


bat, quod his locis erat vadosum mare. Longius progressus, 6 
cum agger altiore aqua contineri non posset, rates duplices 
quoque versus pedum xxx e regione molis collocabat Has 7 
quatemis ancoris ex iv angulis destinabat, ne fluctibus 
moverentur. His perfectis collocatisque alias deinceps pari 8 
magnitudine rates iungebat Has terra atque aggere inte- 9 
gebat, ne aditus atque incursus ad defendendum impedi- 
retur ; a fronte atque ab utroque latere cratibus ac pluteis 
protegebat; in quarta quaque earum turres binorum tabu- 10 
latorum excitabat, quo commodius ab impetu navium in- 
cendiisque defenderet 

XXVI. Contra haec Pompeius naves magnas onerarias, i 
quas in portu Brundisiho deprehenderat, adornabat Ibi 
turres cum ternis tabulatis erigebat easque multis tormentis 
et omni genere telorum completas ad opera Caesaris appel- 
lebat, ut rates perrumperet atque opera disturbaret Sic 
cottidie utrimque ^minus fundis, sagittis reliquisque telis 
pugnabatur. Atque haec Caesar ita administrabat, ut con- 2 
diciones pacis dimittendas non existimaret; ac tametsi 
magno opere admirabatur, Magium, quem ad Pompeium 
cum mandatis miserat, ad se non remitti, atque ea res saepe 
temptata etsi impetus eius consiliaque tardabat, tamen omni- 
bus rebus in eo perseverandum putabat Itaque Caninium 3 
RebiUim legatum, famiharem necessariumque Scriboni Li- 
bonis, mittit ad eum coUoquii causa ; mandat, ut Libonem 
de concilianda pace hortetur ; imprimis, ut ipse cum Pom- 
peio coUoqueretur, postulat ; magno opere sese confidere 4 
demonstrat, si eius rei sit potestas facta, fore, ut aequis 
condicionibus ab armis discedatur; cuius rei magnam par- 
tem laudis atque existimationis ad Libonem perventuram, 
si illo auctore atque agente ab armis sit discessum. Libo 5 
a coUoquio Canini digressus ad Pompeium proficiscitur. 
Paulo post renuntiat, quod consules absint, sine illis non 


6 posse agi de compositione. Ita saepius rem frustra tempta- 
tam Caesar aliquando dimittendam sibi iudicat et de bello 

1 XXVII. Prope dimidia parte operis a Caesare effecta 
diebusque in ea re consumptis ix, naves a consulibus 
Dyrrachio remissae, quae priorem partem exercitus eo 

2 deportaverant, Brundisium revertuntur. Pompeius sive 
operibus Caesaris permotus sive etiam, quod ab initio 
Italia excedere constituerat, adventu navium profectionem 

3 parare incipit et, quo facilius impetum Caesaris tardaret, 
ne sub ipsa profectione milites oppidum irrumperent, portas 
obstruit, vicos plateasque inaedificat, fossas transversas viis 
praeducit atque ibi sudes stipitesque praeacutos defigit 

4 Haec levibus cratibus terraque inaequat, aditus autem 
atque itinera duo, quae extra murum ad portum ferebant, 
maximis defixis trabibus atque eis praeacutis praesaepit. 

5 His paratis rebus milites silentio naves conscendere iubet, 
expeditos autem ex evocatis, sagittariis funditoribusque 

6 raros in muro turribusque disponit. Hos certo signo 
revocare constituit, cum omnes milites naves conscen- 
dissent, atque eis expedito loco actuaria navigia relinquit. 

1 XXVIII. Brundisini Pompeianorum militum iniuriis 
atque ipsius Pompei contumeliis permoti Caesaris rebus 

2 favebant. Itaque cognita Pompei profectione concursan- 
tibus illis atque in ea re occupatis vulgo ex tectis signifi- 
cabant. Per quos re cognita Caesar scalas parari militesque 
armari iubet, ne quam rei gerendae facultatem dimittat. 

3 Pompeius sub noctem naves solvit. Qui erant in muro 
custodiae causa collocati, eo signo, quod convenerat, revo- 

4 cantur notisque itineribus ad naves decurrunt Milites 
positis scalis muros ascendunt, sed moniti a Brundisinis, 
ut vallum caecum fossasque caveant, subsistunt et longo 
itinere ab his circumducti ad portum perveniunt duasque 








bl s 
OC ^ 







naves cum militibus, quae ad moles Caesaris adhaeserant, 
scaphis lintribusque reprehendunt, reprehensas excipiunt. 

XXIX. Caesar, etsi ad spem conficiendi negotii i 
maxime probabat coactis navibus mare transire et Pom- 
peium sequi, priusquam ille sese transmarinis auxiliis con- 
firmaret, tamen eius rei moram temporisque longinquitatem 
timebat, quod omnibus coactis navibus Pompeius prae- 
sentem facultatem insequendi sui ademerat. Relinquebatur, 2 
ut ex longinquioribus regionibus Galliae Picenique et a 
freto naves essent exspectandae. Id propter anni tempus 
longum atque impeditum yidebatur. Interea veterem 3 
exercitum, duas Hispanias confirmari, quarum erat altera 
maximis beneficiis Pompei devincta, auxilia, equitatum 
parari, Galliam Italiamque temptari se absente nolebat. 

XXX. Itaque in praesentia Pompei sequendi rationem i 
omittit, in Hispaniam proficisci constituit ; duumviris muni- 
cipiorum omnium imperat, ut naves conquirant Brundisium- 
que deducendas curent Mittit in Sardiniam cum legione 2 
una Valerium legatum, in Siciliam Curionem pro praetore 
cum legionibus 11; eundem, cum Siciliam recepisset, pro- 
tinus in Africam traducere exerdtum iubet. Sardiniam 
obtinebat M. Cotta, Siciliam M. Cato; Africam sorte 
Tubero obtinere debebat. Caralitani, simul ad se Valerium 3 
mitti audierunt, nondum profecto ex Italia sua sponte 
Cottam ex oppido eidunt. IUe perterritus, quod omnem 
provinciam consentire intellegebat, ex Sardinia in Africam 
profugit Cato in Sicilia naves longas veteres reficiebat, 4 
novas civitatibus imperabat. Haec magno studio agebat. 
In Lucanis Bruttiisque per legatos suos civium Romanorum 
dilectus habebat, equitum p>editumque certum numerum 

a dvitatibus Sidliae exigebat Quibus rebus paene per- 5 
fectis adventu Curionis cognito queritur in contione, sese 
proiectum ac proditum a Cn. Pompeio, qui omnibus rebus. 

B£L. civ. I. '^ 


imparatissimus non necessarium bellum suscepisset et ab se 
reliquisque in senatu interrogatus omnia sibi esse ad bellum 
apta ac parata conflrmavisset. Haec in contione questus 
ex provincia fugit. 

1 XXXI. Nacti vacuas ab imperiis Sardiniam Valerius, 

2 Curio Siciliam cum exercitibus eo perveniunt. Tubero, 
cum in Africam venisset, invenit in provincia cum imperio 
Attium Varum; qui ad Auximum,ut supra demonstravimus, 
amissis cohortibus protinus ex fuga in Africam pervenerat 
atque eam sua sponte vacuam occupaverat dilectuque 
habito duas legiones effecerat, hominum et locorum notitia 
et usu eius provinciae nactus aditus ad ea conanda, quod 
paucis ante annis ex praetura eam provinciam obtinuerat. 

3 Hic venientem Uticam navibus Tuberonem portu atque 
oppido prohibet neque affectum valetudine filium exponere 
in terra patitur, sed sublatis ancoris excedere eo loco 

1 XXXII. His rebus confectis Caesar, ut relicura 
tempus a labore intermitteretur, milites in proxima muni- 

2 cipia deducit ; ipse ad urbem proficiscitur. Coacto senatu 
iniurias inimicorum commemorat. Docet, se nuUum extra- 
ordinarium honorem appetisse, sed exspectato legitimo 
tempore consulatus eo fuisse contentum, quod omnibus 

3 civibus pateret Latum ab x tribunis plebis contra di- 
centibus inimicis, Catone vero acerrime repugnante et 
pristina consuetudine dicendi mora dies extrahente, ut sui 
ratio absentis haberetur, ipso consule Pompeio; qui si 
improbasset, cur ferri passus esset? si probasset, cur se 

4 uti populi beneficio prohibuisset ? Patientiam proponit 
suam, cum de exercitibus dimittendis ultro postulavisset ; 
in quo iacturam dignitatis atque honoris ipse facturus esset 

5 Acerbitatem inimicorum docet, qui, quod ab altero postula* 
rent, in se recusarent atque omnia permisceri mallen^ 


quam imperium exercitusque dimittere. Iniuriam in eripi- 6 
endis legionibus praedicat, crudelitatem et insolentiam in 
circumscribendis tribunis plebis; condiciones a se latas, 
expetita colloquia et denegata commemorat. Pro quibus 7 
rebus hortatur ac postulat, ut rem publicam suscipiant 
atque una secum administrent ; sin timore defugiant, illis se 
oneri non futunim et per se rem publicam administraturum. 
Legatos ad Pompeium de compositione mitti oportere ; 8 
neque se reformidare, quod in senatu Pompeius paulo ante 
dixisset, ad quos legati mitterentur, his auctoritatem attribui 
timoremque eorum, qui mitterent, significarL Tenuis atque 
inflrmi haec animi videri. Se vero, ut operibus anteire 
studuerit, sic iustitia et aequitate velle superare. 

XXXIII. Probat rem senatus de mittendis legatis ; i 
sed, qui mitterentur, non reperiebantur, maximeque timoris 
causa pro se quisque id munds legationis recusabat. Pom- 2 
peius enim discedens ab urbe in senatu dixerat, eodem se 
habiturum loco, qui Romae remansissent et qui in castris 
Caesaris fuissent Sic triduum disputationibus excusationi- 3 
busque extrahitur. Subicitur etiam L. Metellus tribunus 
plebis ab inimicis Caesaris, qui hanc rem distrahat reliquas- 
que res, quascumque agere instituerit, impediat Cuius 4 
cognito consilio Caesar frustra diebus aliquot consumptis, 
ne relicum tempus amittat, infectis eis, quae agere desti- 
naverat, ab urbe proficiscitur atque in ulteriorem Galliam 
pervenit - 

XXXIV. Quo cum venisset, cognoscit, missum a i 
Pompeio VibuUium Rufum, quem paucis ante diebus Cor« 
finio captum ipse dimiserat; profectum item Domitium 2 
2id occupandam Massiliam navibus actuariis septem, quas 
Igilii et in Cosano a privatis coactas servis, Hbertis, colonis 
suis compleverat ; praemissos etiam legatos Massilienses 3 
domum, nobiles adulescentes, quos ab urbe d\&c.^^x& 


Pompeius erat adhortatus, ne nova Caesaris officia veterum 

4 suorum beneficiorum in eos memoriam expellerent Quibus 
mandatis acceptis Massilienses poftas Caesari clauserant; 
Albicos, barbaros homines, qui in eorum fide antiquitus 
erant montesque supra Massiliam incolebant, ad se voca- 

5 verant; frumentum exfinitimis regionibus atque ex omnibus 
castellis in urbem convexerant; afmorum officinas in urbe 
instituerant ; muros, portas, classem reficiebant 

1 XXXV. Evocat ad se Caesar Massilia xv primos. 
Cum his agit, ne initium inferendi belli ab Massiliensibus 
oriatur : debere eos Italiae totius auctoritatem sequi potius 

2 quam unius hominis voluntati obtemperare. Reliqua, quae 
ad eorum sanandas mentes pertinere arbitrabatur, com- 

3 memorat Cuius orationem legati domum referunt atque 
ex auctoritate haec Caesaii renuntiant : Intellegere se, 
divisum esse populum Romanum in partes duas. Neque 
sui iudicii neque suarum esse virium discernere, utra pars 

4 iustiorem habeat causam. Principes vero esse earum par- 
tium Cn. Pompeium et C. Caesarem, patronos civitatis; 
quorum alter agros Volcarum Arecomicorum et Helvionim 
publice eis concesserit, alter bello victa Gallia alia attribu- 

5 erit vectigaliaque auxerit. Quare paribus eorum beneficiis 
parem se quoque voluntatem tribuere debere et neu- 
trum eorum contra alterum iuvare aut urbe aut portibus 

1 XXXVI. Haec dum inter eos aguntur, Domitius 
navibus Massiliam pervenit atque ab eis receptus urbi 

2 praeficitur; summa ei belli administrandi permittitur. Eius 
imperio classem quoque versus dimittunt ; onerarias naves^ 
quas ubique possunt, deprehendunt atque in portum de- 
ducunt, parum clavis aut materia atque armamentis in- 

3 structis ad reliquas armandas reficiendasque utuntur; fin- 
menti guod inventum est, in publicum conferunt; rdiquas 


merces commeatuacjue ad obsidionem urbis, si accidat, 
reservant. Quibus iniuriis permotus Caesar legiones tres 4 
Massiliam adducit; turres vineasque ad oppugnationem 
urbis agere, naves longas Arelate numero xii facere insti- 
tuit. Quibus effectis armatisque diebus xxx, a qua die 5 
materia caesa est, adductisque MassiliaiQ, his D. Brutum 
praeficit, C. Trebonium legatum ad oppugnationem Mas- 
siliae relinquit 

XXXVII. Dum haec parat atque administrat, C. Fa- i 
bium legatum cum legionibus iii, quas Narbone circumque 
ea loca hiemandi causa disposuerat, in Hispaniam prae- 
mittit celeriterque saltus Pyrenaeos occupari iubet, qui eo 
tempore ab L. Afranio legato praesidiis tenebantur. Reli- 2 
quas legionesy quae iongius hiemabant, subsequi iubet 
Fabius, ut erat imperatum, adhibita celeritate praesidium 3 
ex saltu deiecit magnisque itineribus ad exercitum Afranii 

XXXVIII. Adventu L. Vibullii Rufi, quem a Pompeio i 
missum in Hispaniam demonstratum est, Afranius et 
Petreius et Varro, legati Pompei, quorum unus Hispaniam 
citeriorem tribus legionibus, alter ulteriorem a saltu Cas- 
tulonensi ad Anam duabus legionibus, tertius ab Ana 
Vettonum agrum Lusitaniamque pari numero legionum 
obtinebat, officia inter se partiuntur, uti Petreius ex 2 
Lusitania per Vettones cum omnibus copiis ad Afranium 
proficiscatur, Varro cum eis, quas habebat, legionibus 
omnem ulteriorem Hispaniam lueatur. His rebus con- 3 
stitutis equites auxiliaque toti Lusitaniae a Petreio, Celti- 
beriae, Cantabris barbarisque omnibus, qui ad Oceanum 
pertinent, ab Afranio imperantur. Quibus coactis celeriter 4 
Petreius per Vettones ad Afranium pervenit, constituuntque 
communi consilio bellum ad Ilerdam propter ipsius loci 
opportunitatem gerere. 


1 XXXIX. Erant, ut supra demonstratum est, legiones 
Afranii iii, Petrei duae, praeterea scutatae citerioris pro- 
vinciae et cetratae ulterioris Hispaniae cohortes circiter 
Lxxx equitumque utriusque provinciae circiter v milia. 

2 Caesar legiones in Hispaniam praemiserat [ad] vi [milia] ; 
auxilia peditum v milia, equitum iii milia, quae omnibus 
superioribus bellis habuerat, et parem ex Gallia numerum, 
quam ipse pacaverat, nominatim ex omnibus civitatibus 
nobilissimo quoque evocato ; huc optimi generis hominum 
ex Aquitanis montanisque, qui Galliam provinciam attin- 

3 gunt, adieceraU Audierat, Pompeium per Maufitaniam 
cum legionibus iter in Hispaniam facere confestimque 
esse venturum. Simul a tribunis militum centurionibusque 

4 mutuas pecunias sumpsit ; has exercitui distribuit. Quo 
facto duas res consecutus est, quod pignore animos cen- 
turionum devinxit et largitione militum voluntates redemit. 

1 XL. Fabius finftimarum civit^tum animos litteris nun- 
tiisque temptabat. In Sicore flumine pontes effecerat 
duos distantes inter se milia passuum quattuor. His 
pontibus pabulatum mittebat, quod ea, quae citra flumen 

2 fuerant, superioribus diebus consumpserat. Hoc idem fere 
atque eadem de causa Pompeiani exercitHs duces faciebant, 

3 crebroqiie inter se equestribus proeliis contendebant Huc 
cum cottidiana consuetudine egressae pabulatoribus prae- 
sidio propiore po7ite legiones Fabianae duae flumen transis- 
sent impedimerftaque et omnis equitatus sequeretur, subito 
vi ventorum et aquae magnitudine pons est interruptus et 

4 reliqua multitudo equitum interclusa. Quo cognito a 
Petreio et Afranio ex aggere atque cratibus, quae flumine 
ferebantur, celeriter suo ponte Afranius, quem oppido 
castrisque coniunctum habebat, legiones iii equitatumque 
omnem traiecit duabusque Fabianis occurrit legionibus. 

5* Cuius adventu nuntiato L. Plancus, qui legionibus praeerat, 


necessaria re coactus locum capit superiorem diversamque 
aciem in duas partes constituit, ne ab equitatu circumveniri 
posset Ita congressus impari numero magnos impetus 6 
legionum equitatusque sustinet Commisso ab equitibus 7 
proelio signa legionum duarum procul ab utrisque conspici- 
untur, quas C. Fabius ulteriore ponte subsidio nostris 
miserat suspicatus, fore id, quod accidit, ut duces ad- 
versariorum occasione et beneficio fortunae ad nostros 
opprimendos uterentur, Quarum adventu proelium diri- 
mitur ac suas uterque legiones reducit in castra. 

XLI. Eo biduo Caesar cum equitibus dcccc, quos sibi i 
praesidio reliquerat, in castra pervenit Pons, qui fuerat 
tempestate interruptus, paene erat refectus: hunc noctu 
perfici iussit. Ipse cognita locorum natura ponti castrisque a 
praesidio sex cohortes reliquit atque omnia impedimenta et 
postero die omnibus copiis, triphci instructa acie, ad Iler- 
dam proficiscitur et sub castris Afranii constitit et ibi 
pauHsper sub armis moratus facit aequo loco pugnandi 
potestatem. Potestate facta Afranius copias educit et in 
medio coUe sub castris constituit Caesar ubi cognovit, 3 
per Afranium stare, quo minus proelio dimicaretur, ab 
infimis radicibus montis intermissis circiter passibus cccc 
castra facere constituit et, ne in opere faciundo miUtes 4 
repentino hostium incursu exterrerentur atque opere pro- 
hiberentur, vallo muniri vetuit, quod eminere et procul 
videri necesse erat, sed a fronte contra hostem pedum xv 
fossam fieri iussit Prima et secunda acies in armls, ut ab 
initio constituta erat, permanebat ; post hos opus in occulto 
a III acie fiebat Sic omne prius est perfectum, quam 5 
intellegeretur ab Afranio castra muniri. Sub vesperun^ 6 
Caesar intra hanc fossam legiones reducit atque ibi sub 
armis proxima nocte conquiescit. 

XLII. Postero die omnem exercitum intr^ Co^sa.^^» 


continet et, quod longius erat agger petendus, in praesentia 
similem rationem operis instituit singulaque latera cas- 
trorum singulis attribuit munienda fossasque ad 
eandem magnitudinem perfici iubet; reliquas legiones in 

2 armis expeditas contra hostem constituit. Afranius Petrei- 
usque terrendi causa atque operis impediendi copias suas 
ad infimas montis radices j^oducunt et proelio lacessunt, 

3 neque idcirco Caesar opus intermittit, confisus praesidio 

4 legionum trium et munitione fossae. Illi non diu com- 
morati nec longius ab infimo coUe progressi copias in 

5 castra reducunt. Tertio die Caesar vallo castra communit; 
reliquas cohortes, quas in superioribus castris reliquerat, 
impedimentaque ad se traduci iubet. 

1 XLIII. Erat inter oppidum Ilerdam et proximum 
coUem, ubi castra Petreius atque Afranius habebant, plani- 
ties circiter passuum ccc, atque in hoc fere medio spatio 

2 tumulus erat paulo editior; quem si occupavisset Caesar 
et communisset, ab oppido et ponte et commeatu omni, 
quem in oppidum contulerant, se interclusurum adversarios 

3 confidebat. Hoc sperans legiones iii ex castris educit 
acieque in locis idoneis instructa unius legionis antesignanos 

4 procurrere atque eum tumulum occupare iubet. Qua re 
cognita celeriter, quae in statione pro castris erant Afranii 
cohortes, breviore itinere ad eundem occupandum locum 

5 mittuntur. Contenditur proelio et, quod prius in tumulum 
Afraniani venerant, nostri repelluntur atque aliis sum- 
missis subsidiis terga vertere seque ad signa legionum 
recipere coguntur. 

1 XLIV. Genus erat pugnae militum illorum, ut magno 
impetu primo procurrerent, audacter locum caperent, 
ordines suos non magno opere servarent, rari dispersique 

2 pugnarent ; si premerentur, pedem referre et loco excedere 
non turpe existimarent, cum Lusitanis reliquisque barbaris 


barbaro genere quodaxn pugnae assuefacti; quod fere iit, 3 
quibus quisque in locis miies inveteraverit, ut multum 
earum regionum consuetudine moveatur. Haec tum ratio 4 
nostros perturbavit insuetos huius generis pugnae : circumiri 
enim sese ab aperto latere procurrentibus singulis arbitra- 
bantiu:; ipsi autem suos ordines servare neque ab signis 
discedere neque sine gravi causa eum locum, quem ceperant, 
dimitti censuerant oportere. Itaque perturbatis antesignanis 5 
legio, quae in eo cornu constiterat, locum non tenuit atque 
in proximum coUem sese recepit. 

XLV. Caesar paene omni acie perterrita, quod praeter i 
opinionem consuetudinemque acciderat, cohortatus suos 
legionem nonam subsidio ducit; hostem insolenter atque 
acriter nostros insequentem supprimit rursusque terga vertere 
seque ad oppidum Ilerdam recipere et sub muro consistere 
cogit. Sed nonae legionis milites elati studio, dum sarcire 2 
acceptum detrimentum volunt, temere insecuti longius 
fiigientes, in locum inicum progrediuntur et sub montem, 
in quo erat oppidum positum Ilerda, succedunt. Hinc se 3 
recipere cum vellent, rursus illi ex loco superiore nostros 
premebant. Praeruptus locus erat, utraque ex parte de- 4 
rectus, ac tantum in latitudinem patebat, ut tres instructae 
cohortes eum locum explerent, ut neque subsidia a lateribus 
summitti neque equites laborantibus usui esse possent Ab 5 
oppido autem declivis locus tenui fastigio vergebat in longi- 
tudinem passuum circiter cccc. Hac nostris erat receptus, 6 
quod eo incitati studio inconsultius processerant ; hoc pug- 
nabatur loco, et propter angustias iniquo et quod sub ipsis 
radicibus montis constiterant, ut nuUum frustra telum in 
eos mitteretur. Tamen virtute et patientia nitebantur atque 
omnia vulnera sustinebant. Augebantur illis copiae, atque 7 
ex castris cohortes per oppidum crebro summittebantur, ut 
integri defessis succederent. Hoc idem Caesax ^^'crx^ ^^'^'^ 


batur, ut summissis in eundem locum cohortibus defessos 

1 XLVI. Hoc cum esset modo pugnatum continenter 
horis quinque, nostrique gravius a multitudine premerentur, 
consumptis omnibus telis gladiis destrictis impetum adversus 
montem in cohortes faciunt paucisque deiectis reliquos sese 

2 convertere cogunt. Summotis sub murum cohortibus ac 
non nullam partem propter terrorem in oppidum compulsis 

3 facilis est nostris receptus datus. Equitatus autem noster 
ab utroque latere, etsi deiectis atque inferioribus locis 
constiterat, tamen summa in iugum virtute conititur atque 
inter duas acies perequitans commodiorem ac tutiorem 
nostris receptum dat. Ita vario certamine pugnatum est 

4 Nostri in primo congressu circiter lxx ceciderunt, in his 
Q. Fulginius ex primo hastato legionis xiv, qui propter 
eximiam virtutem ex inferioribus ordinibus in eum locum 

5 pervenerat; vulnerantur amplius dc Ex Afranianis inter- 
ficiuntur T. Caecilius, primi pili centurio, dt praeter eum 
centuriones iv, rnilites amplius cc. ;. ; 

1 XLVII. Sed haec eius diei praefertur opinio, ut se 

2 utrique superiores discessisse existimarent : Afraniani, quod, 
cum esse omnium iudicio inferiores viderentur, comminus 
tam diu stetissent et nostrorum impetum sustinuissent et 
initio locum tumulumque tenuissent, quae causa pugnandi 
fuerat, et nostros primo congressu terga vertere coegissent ; 

3 nostri autem, quod iniquo loco atque impari congressi 
numero quinque horis proelium sustinuissent, quod montem 
gladiis destrictis ascendissent, quod ex loco superiore terga 
vertere adversarios coegissent atque in oppidum com- 

4 pulissent. Illi eum tumulum, pro quo pugnatum est, 
magnis operibus munierunt praesidiumque ibi posuerunt. 

1 XLVIII. Accidit etiam repentinum incommodum 
biduo, quo haec gesta sunt. Tanta enim teropestas 


permittebat neque ad ripam dispositae cohortes adver- 

2 sariorum perfici patiebantur; quod illis prohibere erat 
facile cum ipsius fluminis natura atque aquae magnitudine, 
tum quod ex totis ripis in unum atque angustum locum 

3 tela iaciebantur ; atque erat difficile eodem tempore rapi- 
dissimo flumine opera perficere et tela vitare, 

1 LI. Nuntiatur Afranio, magnos commeatus, qui iter 
habeant ad Caesarem, ad fiumen constitisse. Venerant 
eo sagittarii ex Rutenis, equites ex Gallia cum multis 
carris magnisque impedimentis, ut fert Gallica consuetudo. 

2 Erant praeterea cuiusque generis hominum milia circiter vi 
cum servis libertisque; sed nullus ordo, nuUum imperium 
certum, cum suo quisque consilio uteretur atque omnes 
sine timore iter facerent, usi superiorum temporum atque 

3 itinerum licentia. Erant complures honesti adulescentes, 
senatorum filii et ordinis equestris; erant legationes civi- 
tatum ; erant legati Caesaris. Hos omnes flumina contine- 

4 bant Ad hos opprimendos cum omni equitatu tribusque 
legionibus Afranius de nocte proficiscitur imprudentesque 
ante missis equitibus aggreditur. Celeriter sese tamen Galli 

5 equites expediunt proeliumque committunt £i, dum pari 
certamine res geri potuit, magnum hostium numerum pauci 
sustinuere; sed, ubi signa legionum appropinquare coepe- 
runt, paucis amissis sese in proximos montes conferunt 

6 Hoc pugnae tempus magnum attulit nostris ad salutem 
momentum : nacti enim spatium se in loca superiora 
receperunt. Desiderati sunt eo die sagittarii circiter cc, 
equites pauci, calonum atque impedimentorum non magnus 

1 LII. His tamen omnibus annona crevit; quae fere 
res non solum inopia praesenti, sed etiam futuri temporis 

2 timore ingravescere consuevit lamque ad denarios l in 
singulos modios annona pervenerat, et militum vires inopia 

LIB. L CAF. L^LV. 29 

frumenti deminuerat, atque incommoda in dies augebantur; 
et tam paucis diebus magna erat rerum facta commutatio 3 
ac se fortuna inclinaverat, ut nostri magna inopia neces- 
sariarum rerum conflictarentur, illi omnibus abundarent 
rebus superioresque haberentur. Caesar eis civitatibus, 4 
quae ad eius amicitiam accesserant, quod minor erat 
frumenti copia, pecus imperabat ; calones ad longinquiores 
civitates dimittebat ; ipse praesentem inopiam, quibus po- 
terat subsidiis, tutabatur. 

LIII. Haec Afranius Petreiusque et eorum amici i 
pleniora etiam atque uberiora Romam ad suos perscribe- 
bant. Multa rumore affingebantur, ut paene bellum con- 2 
fectum videretur. Quibus litteris nuntiisque Romam perlatis 3 
magni domum concursus ad Afranium magnaeque gratu- 
lationes fiebant ; multi ex Italia ad Cn. Pompeium proficis- 
cebantur, alii, ut principes talem nuntium attulisse, alii, ne 
eventum belli exspectasse aut ex omnibus novissimi venisse 

LIV. Cum in his angustiis res esset atque omnes viae i 
ab Afranianis militibus equitibusque obsiderentur nec pontes 
perfici possent, imperat militibus Caesar, ut naves faciant, 
cuius generis eum superioribus annis usus Britanniae docu- 
erat. Carinae ac prima statumina ex levi materia fiebant ; 2 
relicum corpus navium viminibus contextum coriis intege- 
batur. Has perfectas carris iunctis devehit noctu milia 3 
passuum a castris xxii militesque his navibus flumen trans- 
portat continentemque ripae coUem improviso occupat. 
Hunc celeriter, prius quam ab adversariis sentiatur, com- 4 
munit Huc legionem postea traicit atque ex utraque 
parte pontem instituit, biduo perficit. Ita commeatus et 5 
qui frumenti causa processerant tuto ad se recipit et rem 
frumentariam expedire incipit. 

LV. Eodem die equitum magnam partem €Lujssft.^x 


traiecit. Qui inopinantes pabulatores et sine uUo dissi- 
patos timore aggressi magnum numerum iumentorum atque 

2 hominum intercipiunt; cohortibusque cetratis subsidio missis 
scienter in duas partes sese distribuunt, alii, ut praedae 
praesidio sint, alii, ut venientibus resistant atque eos pro- 

3 pellant, unamque cohortem, quae temere ante ceteras extra 
aciem procurrerat, seclusam ab reliquis circumveniunt atque 
interficiunt incolumesque cum magna praeda eodem ponte 
in castra revertuntur. 

1 LVI. Dum haec ad Ilerdam geruntur, Massilienses usi 
L. Domitii consilio naves longas expediunt numero xvii, 

2 quarum erant xi tectae. Multa huc minora navigia addunt, 
ut ipsa multitudine nostra classis terreatur. Magnum nu- 
merum sagittariorum, magnum Albicorum, de quibus supra 
demonstratum est, imponunt atque hos praemiis poUicita- 

3 tionibusque incitant Certas sibi deposcit naves Domitius 
atque has colonis pastoribusque, quos secum adduxerat, 
complet. Sic omnibus rebus instructa classe magna fiducia 
ad nostras naves procedunt, quibus praeerat D. Brutus. 
Hae ad insulam, quae est contra Massiliam, stationes 

1 LVII. Erat multo inferior numero navium Brutus; 
sed electos ex omnibus legionibus fortissimos viros, ante- 
signanos, centuriones, Caesar ei classi attribuerat, qui sibi 

2 id muneris depoposcerant. Hi manus ferreas atque harpa- 
gones paraverant magnoque numero pilorum, tragulanim 
reliquorumque telorum se instruxerant. Ita cognito hostium 
adventu suas naves ex portu educunt, cum Massiliensibus 

3 confligunt. Pugnatum est utrimque fortissime atque acer- 
rime; neque multum Albici nostris virtute cedebanty 

4 homines asperi et montani et exercitati in armis ; atque 
hi modo digressi a Massiliensibus recentem eorum poUi" 
ciiatioiiem animis continebant, pastoresque Domitii spe 


1 LX. Interim Oscenses et Calagurritam, qui erant cum 
Oscensibus contributi, mittunt ad eum legatos seseque im- 

2 perata facturos poUicentur. Hos Tarraconenses et lacetani 
et Ausetani et paucis post diebus Illurgavonenses, qui 

3 flumen Hiberum attingunt, insecuntur. Petit ab his 
omnibus, ut se frumento iuvent Pollicentur atque omni- 
bus undique conquisitis iumentis in castra deportant. 

4 Transit etiam cohors Illurgavonensis ad eum cognito civi- 
tatis consilio et signa ex statione transfert. Magna celeriter 

5 commutatio rerum. Perfecto ponte, magnis quinque civi- 
tatibus ad amicitiam adiunctis, expedita re frumentaria, 
exstinctis rumoribus de auxiliis legionum, quae cum Pom- 
peio per Mauritaniam venire dicebantur, multae longin- 
quiores civitates ab Afranio desciscunt et Caesaris amicitiam 

1 LXI. Quibus rebus perterritis animis adversariorum 
Caesar ne semper magno circuitu per pontem equitatus es- 
set mittendus, nactus idoneum locum fossas pedum 3cxx in 
latitudinem complures facere instituit, quibus partem ali- 

2 quam Sicoris averteret vadumque in co flumine efficeret His 
paene effectis magnum in timorem Afranius Petreiusque 
perveniunt, ne omnino frumento pabuloque interclude- 
rentur, quod multum Caesar equitatu valebat. Itaque 
constituunt ipsi locis excedere et in Celtiberiam bellum 

3 transferre. Huic consilio suffiragabatur etiam illa res, quod, 
ex duobus contrariis generibus quae superiore bello cum 
Sertorio steterant civitates, victae nomen atque imperium 
absentis Pompei timebant, quae in amicitia manserant, 
magnis affectae beneflciis eum diligebant, Caesaris autem 
erat in barbaris nomen obscurius. Hic magnos equitatus 
magnaque auxilia exspectabant et suis locis bellum in 

4 hiemem ducere cogitabant. Hoc inito consilio toto flumine 
Hibero naves conquirere et Octogesam adduci iubent Id 


p erat oppidum positum ad Hiberum miliaque passuum a 
castris aberat xxx. Ad eum locum fluminis navibus iunctis 
pontem imperant fieri legionesque duas flumen Sicorim 
traducunt ; castra muniuntur vallo pedum xii. 

LXII. Qua re per exploratores cognita summo labore i 
militum Caesar continuato diem noctemque opere in flu- 
mine avertendo huc iam rem deduxerat, ut equites, etsi 
difiiculter atque aegre fiebat, possent tamen atque auderent 
flumen transire, pedites vero tantum modo umeris ac summo 2 
pectore exstarent et cum altitudine aquae tum etiam rapidi- 
tate fluminis ad transeundum impedirentur. Sed tamen 3 
eodem fere tempore pons in Hibero prope effectus nuntia- 
batur, et in Sicori vadum reperiebatur. 

LXIII. lam vero eo magis illi maturandum iter exis- i 
timabant. Itaque duabus auxiliaribus cohortibus Ilerdae 
praesidio reHctis omnibus copiis Sicorim transeunt et cum 
duabus legionibus, quas superioribus diebus traduxerant, 
castra iungunt Relinquebatur Caesari nihil, nisi uti equi- 2 
tatu agmen adversariorum male haberet et carperet. Pons 
enim ipsius magnum circuitum habebat, ut multo breviore 
itinere iili ad Hiberum pervenire possent. Equites ab eo 3 
missi flumen transeunt et, cum de tertia vigilia Petreius 
atque Afi-anius castra movissent, repente sese ad novis- 
simum agmen ostendunt et magna multitudine circumfusa 
morari atque iter impedire incipiunt. 

LXIV. Prima luce ex superioribus iocis, quae Caesaris i 
castris erant coniuncta, cernebatur, equitatus nostri proelio 
novissimos illorum premi vehementer, ac non numquam 
sustinere extremum agmen atque interrumpi, alias inferri 2 
signa et universarum cohortium impetu nostros propelli, 
dein rursus conversos insequi. Totis vero castris milites 3 
circulari et dolere, hostem ex manibus dimitti, bellum 
necessario longiuS duci; centuriones tribunosque militum 

BEL. CIV. I. Ti 


adire atque obsecrare, ut per eos Caesar certior fieret, ne 
labori suo neu periculo parceret : paratos esse sese, posse 
et audere ea transire flumen, qua traductus esset equitatus. 

4 Quorum studio et vocibus excitatus Caesar, etsi timebat 
tantae magnitudini fluminis exercitum obicere, conandum 

5 tamen atque experiendum iudicat. Itaque infirmiores 
milites ex omnibus centuriis deligi iubet, quorum aut 

6 animus aut vires videbantur sustinere non posse. Hos cum 
legione una praesidio castris relinquit; reliquas legiones 
expeditas educit magnoque numero iumentorum in flumine 

7 supra atque infra constituto traducit exercitum. Pauci ex 
his militibus abrepti vi fluminis ab equitatu excipiuntur ac 
sublevantur ; interit tamen nemo. Traducto incolumi exer- 

8 citu copias instruit triplicemque aciem ducere incipit Ac 
tantum fuit in militibus studii, ut milium sex ad iter addito 
circuitu magnaque ad vadum fiuminis mora interposita eoSy 
qui de tertia vigilia exissent, ante horam diei ix conse- 

1 LXV. Quos ubi Afranius procul visos cum Petreio 
conspexit, nova re perterritus locis superioribus constitit 

2 aciemque instruit. Caesar in campis exercitum refecit, ne 
defessum proelio obiciat; rursus conantes progredi inse- 

3 quitur et moratur. IUi necessario maturius, quam con- 
stituerant, castra ponunt. Suberant enim montes atque 
a mihbus passuum v itinera difilicilia atque angusta ex- 

4 cipiebant. Hos montes intrare cupiebant, ut equitatum 
eflugerent Caesaris praesidiisque in angustiis coUocatis 
exercitum itinere prohiberent, ipsi sine periculo ac timore 

5 Hiberum copias traducerent Quod tuit illis conandum 
atque omni ratione efi^ciendum; sed totius diei pugna 
atque itineris labore defessi rem in posterum diem dis- 
tulerunt. Caesar quoque in proximo colle castra ponit 

i LXVI. Media circiter nocte eis, qui aquandi causa 


atque Octogesam pertinebant, castris hostium oppositis 

2 tenebantur. Ipsi erant transcendendae valles maximae 
ac difficillimae, saxa multis locis praerupta iter impedie- 
bant, ut arma per manus necessario traderentur militesque 
inermes sublevatique alii ab aliis magnam partem itineris 

3 conficerent. Sed hunc laborem recusabat nemo, quod eum 
omnium laborum finem fore existimabant, si hostem Hibero 
intercludere et frumento prohibere potuissent. 

1 LXIX. Ac primo Afraniani milites visendi causa laeti 
ex castris procurrebant contumeliosisque vocibus proseque- 
bantur: necessarii victus inopia coactos fugere atque ad 
Ilerdam reverti. Erat enim iter a proposito diversum, 

2 contrariamque in partem iri videbatur. Duces vero eorum 
consihum suum laudibus ferebant, quod se castris tenu- 
issent ; multumque eorum opinionem adiuvabat, quod sine 
iumentis impedimentisque ad iter profectos videbant, ut 

3 non posse inopiam diutius sustinere confiderent. Sed, ubi 
paulatim retorqueri agmen ad dextram conspexerunt iamque 
primos superare regionem castrorum animum adverterunt, 
nemo erat adeo tardus aut fugiens laboris, quin statim 

4 castris exeundum atque occurrendum putaret. Concla- 
matur ad arma, atque omnes copiae paucis praesidio relictis 
cohortibus exeunt rectoque ad Hiberum itinere contendunt 

1 LXX. Erat in celeritate omne positum certamen, utri 
prius angustias montesque occuparent ; sed exercitum Cae 
saris viarum difficultates tardabant, Afranii copias equitatus 

2 Caesaris insequens morabatur. Res tamen ab Afranianis 
huc erat necessario deducta, ut, si priores montes, quos 
petebant, attigissent, ipsi periculum vitarent, impedimenta 
totius exercitus eohortesque in castris reUctas servare non 
possent ; quibus interclusis exercitu Caesaris auxiiium ferri 

3 nulla ratione poterat. Confecit prior iter Caesar atque ex 
magnis rupibus nactus planitiem in hac contra hostem 


aciem instruit. Afranius, cum ab equitatu novissimum 
agmen premeretur, ante se hostem videret, col^m quen- 
dam nactus ibi constitit. Ex eo ioco iv cetratorum cohor- 4 
tes in montem, qui erat in conspectu omnium excelsissimus, 
mittit. Hunc magno cursu concitatos iubet occupare, eo 
consilio, uti ipse eodem omnibus copiis contenderet et 
mutato itinere iugis Octogesam pcrveniret. Hunc cum 5 
obliquo itinere cetrati peterent, conspicatus equitatus Cae- 
saris in cohortes impetum fecit; nec minimam partem 
temporis equitum vim cetrati sustinere potuerunt omnes- 
que ab eis circumventi in conspectu utriusque exercitus 

LXXI. Erat occasio bene gerendae rei. Neque vero i 
id Caesarem fugiebat, tanto sub oculis accepto detrimento 
perterritum exercitum sustinere non posse, praesertim cir- 
cumdatum undique equitatu, cum in loco aequo atque 
aperto confligeretur ; idque ex omnibus partibus ab eo 
flagitabatur. Concurrebant legati, centuriones tribunique 2 
militum : Ne dubitaret proelium committere. Omnium 
esse militum paratissimos animos. Afranianos contra multis 3 
rebus sui timoris signa misisse : quod suis non subvenissent, 
quod de colle non decederent, quod vix equitum incursus 
sustinerent collatisque in unum locum signis conferti neque 
ordines neque signa servarent. Quod si iniquitatem ioci 4 
timeret, datum iri tamen aliquo loco pugnandi facultatem, 
quod certe inde decedendum esset Afranio nec sine aqua 
permanere posset. 

LXXn. Caesar in eam spem venerat, se sine pugna i 
et sine vulnere suorum rem conficere posse, quod re fru- 
mentaria adversarios interclusisset. Cur etiam secundo 2 
proelio aliquos ex suis amitteret? cur vulnerari pateretur 
optime de se meritos militcs? cur denique fortunam peri- 
clitaretur? praesertim cum non minus esset imQetaios^s* 


3 consilio superare quam gladio. Movebatur etiam miseri- 
cordia civtum, quos interficiendos videbat; quibus salvis 

4 atque incolumibus rem obtinere malebat. Hoc consilium 
Caesaris plerisque non probabatur; milites vero palaminter 
se loquebantur, quoniam talis occasio vicloriae dimitteretur, 
etiam cum vellet Caesar, sese non esse pugnaturos. Ille 
in sua sententia perseverat et paulum ex eo loco degreditur, 

5 ut timorem adversariis minuat. Petreius atque Afranius 
oblata facultate in castra sese referunt. Caesar praesidiis 
in montibus dispositis omni ad Hiberum incluso itinere, 
quam proxime potest hostium castris, castra communit. 

1 LXXIII. Postero die duces adversariorum perturbati, 
quod omnem rei frumentariae fluminisque Hiberi spem 

2 dimiserant, de reliquis rebus consultabant. Erat unum 
iteV, Ilerdam si reverti vellent, alterum, si Tarraconem 
peterent. Haec consiliantibus eis nuntiantur aquatores ab 

3 equitatu premi nostro. Qua re cognita crebras stationes 
disponunt equitum et cohortium alariarum legionariasque 
intericiunt cohortes vallumque ex castris ad aquam ducere 
incipiunt, ut intra munitionem et sine timore et sine sta- 
tionibus aquari possent. Id opus inter se Petreius atque 
Afranius partiuntur ipsique perficiundi operis causa longius 

1 LXXIV. Quonim discessu liberam nacti milites collo- 
quiorum facultatem vulgo procedunt, et quem quisque in 
castris notum aut municipem habebat, conquirit atque 

2 evocat. Primum agunt gratias omnes omnibus, quod sibi 
perterritis pridie pepercissent : eorum se beneficio vivere. 
Deinde imperatoris fidem quaerunt, rectene se illi sint 
commissuri, et, quod non ab initio fecerint armaque cum 
hominibus necessariis et consanguineis contulerint, que- 

3 runtur. His provocati sermonibus fidem ab imperatore 
1e Petrei atque Afranii vita petunt, ne quod in se scelus 


concepisse neu suos prodidisse videantur. Quibus confir- 
matis rebus se statim signa translaturos confirmant legatos- 
que de pace primorum ordinum centuriones ad Caesarem 
mittunt. Interim alii suos in castra invitandi causa 4 
adducunt, alii ab suis abducuntur, adeo ut una castra iam 
facta ex binis viderentur ; compluresque tribuni militum et 
centuriones ad Caesarem veniunt seque ei commendant. 
Idem hoc fit a principibus Hispaniae, quos illi evocaverant 5 
et secum in castris habebant obsidum loco. Hi suos notos 
hospitesque quaerebant, per quem quisque eorum aditum 
commendationis haberet ad Caesarem. Afi-anii etiam 6 
filius adulescens de sua ac parentis sui salute cum Caesare 
per Sulpicium legatum agebat. Erant plena laetitia et 7 
gratulatione omnia, eorum, qui tanta pericuia vitasse, et 
eorum, qui sine vulnere tantas res confecisse videbantur, 
magnumque fructum suae pristinae lenitatis omnium iudicio 
Caesar ferebat, consiliumque eius a cunctis probabatur. 

LXXV. Quibus rebus nuntiatis Afranio, ab instituto i 
opere discedit seque in castra recipit, sic paratus, ut vide- 
batur, ut, quicumque accidisset casus, hunc quieto et aequo 
animo ferret. Petreius vero non deserit sese. Armat 2 
familiam : cum hac et praetoria cohorte cetratorum barbar- 
isque equitibus paucis, beneficiariis suis, quos suae custo- 
diae causa habere consuerat, improviso ad vallum advolat, 
colloquia militum interrumpit, nostros repellit a castris, 
quos deprendit, interficit. Reliqui coeunt inter se et re- 3 
pentino periculo exterriti sinistras sagis involvunt gladiosque 
destringunt, atque ita se a cetratis equitibusque defendunt 
castrorum propinquitate confisi seque in castra recipiunt et 
ab eis cohortibus, quae erant in statione ad portas, defen- 

LXXVI. Quibus rebus coniectis flens Petreius mani- i 
pulos circumit militesque appellat, neu se neu PQixiT^€.vvixfi^ 


imperatorem suum adversariis ad supplicium tradant, ob- 

2 secrat Fit celeriter concursus in praetorium. Postulat, 
ut iurent omnes, se exercitum ducesque non deserturos 
neque prodituros, neque sibi separatim a reliquis consilium 

3 capturos. Princeps in haec verba iurat ipse ; idem ius- 
iurandum adigit Afranium ; subsecuntur tribuni militum 
centurionesque ; centuriatim producti milites idem iurant. 

4 Edicunt, penes quem quisque sit Caesaris miles, ut produ- 
catur: productos palam in praetorio interficiunt. Sed 
plerosque ei, qui receperant, celant noctuque per vallum 

5 emittunt. Sic terrore oblato a ducibus crudelitas in sup- 
plicio, nova religio iuris iurandi spem praesentis deditionis 
sustulit mentesque militum convertit et rem ad pristinam 
belli rationem redegit 

1 LXXVII. Caesar, qui milites adversariorum in castra 
per tempus colloquii venerant, summa diligentia conquiri 

2 et remitti iubet. Sed ex numero tribunorum militum 
centurionumque non nuUi sua voluntate apud eum reman- 
serunt. Quos ille postea magno in honore habuit; cen- 
turiones in priores ordines, equites Romanos in tribunicium 
restituit honorem. 

1 LXXVIII. Premebantur Afraniani pabulatione, aqua- 
bantur aegre. Frumenti copiam legionarii non nuUam 
habebant, quod dierum xxii ab Ilerda frumentum iussi 

2 erant efFerre, cetrati auxiliaresque nullam, quorum erant 
et facultates ad parandum exiguae et corpora insueta ad 
onera portanda. Itaque magnus eorum cottidie numerus 

3 ad Caesarem perfugiebat. In his erat angustiis res. Sed 
ex propositis consiUis duobus explicitius videbatur Ilerdam 
reverti, quod ibi paulum frumenti reliquerant. Ibi se re- 

4 hcum consilium expHcaturos confidebant. Tarraco aberat 
longius; quo spatio plures rem posse casus recipere intel- 
legebant. Hoc probato consiho ex castris proficiscuntur. 


Caesar equitatu praemisso, qui novissimum agmen carperet 5 
atque impediret, ipse cum legionibus subsequitur. NuUum 
intercedebat tempus, quin extremi cum equitibus proelia- 

LXXIX. Genus erat hoc pugnae. Expeditae cohortes 1 
novissimum agmen claudebant pluresque in locis campes- 
tribus subsistebant. Si mons erat ascendendus, facile ipsa 2 
loci natura periculum repellebat, quod ex locis superioribus, 
qui antecesserant, suos ascendentes protegebant; cum vallis 3 
aut locus declivis suberat neque ei, qui antecesserant, moran- 
tibus opem ferre poterant, equites vero ex loco superiore in 
aversos tela coniciebant, tum magno erat in periculo res. 
Relinquebatur, ut, cum eius modi locis esset appropin- 4 
quatum, legionum signa consistere iuberent magnoque 
impetu equitatum repellerent, eo summoto repente incitati 
cursu sese in vallis universi dimitterent, atque ita trans- 
gressi rursus in iocis superioribus consisterent. Nam tantum 5 
ab equitum suorum auxiliis aberant, quorum numerum 
habebant magnum, ut eos superioribus perterritos proeliis 
in medium reciperent agmen ultroque eos tuerentur; quo- 
nim nulli ex itinere excedere licebat, quin ab equitatu 
Caesaris exciperetur. 

LXXX. Tali dum pugnatur modo, lente atque pau- i 
latim proceditur crebroque, ut sint auxilio suis, subsistunt; 
ut tum accidit Milia enim progressi iv vehementiusque 2 
peragitati ab equitatu montem excelsum capiunt ibique una 
fronte contra hostem castra muniunt neque iumentis onera 
deponunt. Ubi Caesaris castra posita tabernaculaque con- 3 
stituta et dimissos equites pabulandi causa animum adver- 
terunt, sese subito proripiunt hora circiter sexta eiusdem 
diei et spem nacti morae discessu nostrorum equitum iter 
facere incipiunt. Qua re animum adversa Caesar refectis 4 
legionibus subsequitur, praesidio impedimentis paucas co- 


hortes relinquit; hora x subsequi pabulatores, equitesque 
revocari iubet Celeriter equitatus ad cottidianum itineris 
5 officiuQi revertitur. Pugnatur acriter ad novissimum agmen, 
adeo ut paene terga convertant compluresque milites, etiam 
non nuUi centuriones, interficiuntur. Instabat agmen Cae- 
saris atque universum imminebat 

1 LXXXL Tum vero neque ad explorandum idoneum 
locum castris neque ad progrediendum data facultate con- 
sislunt necessario et procul ab aqua et natura iniquo loco 

2 castra ponunt Sed isdem de causis Caesar, quae supra 
sunt demonstratae, proelio amplius non lacessit et eo die 
tabernacula statui passus non est, quo paratiores essent ad in- 

3 sequendum omnes, sive noctu sive interdiu erumperent. IUi 
animadverso vitio castrorum tota nocte munitiones pro- 
ferunt castraque castris convertunt Hoc idem postero die 
a prima luce faciunt totumque in ea re diem consumunt. 
Sed quantum opere processerant et castra protuierant, tanto 
aberant ab aqua longius, et praesenti malo aliis malis reme- 

4 dia dabantur. Prima nocte aquandi causa nemo egreditur 
ex castris ; proximo die praesidio in castris relicto universas 

5 ad aquam copias educunt, pabulatum emittitur nemo. His 
eos suppliciis male haberi Caesar et necessariam subire 
deditionem quam proelio decertare malebat Conatur 
tamen eos vallo fossaque circummunire, ut quam maxime 
repentinas eorum eruptiones demoretur; quo necessario 

6 descensuros existimabat IUi et inopia pabuH adducti, et 
quo essent ad iter expeditiores, omnia sarcinaria iumenta 
interfici iubent. 

1 LXXXIL In his operibus consiliisque biduum con- 
sumitur; tertio die magna iam pars operis Caesaris pro- 
cesserat Illi impediendae reliquae munitionis causa hora 
circiter ix signo dato legiones educunt aciemque sub 

2 castris instruunt Caesar ab opere legiones revocat, equi- 


Caesari filius Afranii. Venitur in eum locum, quem Caesar 

3 delegit. Audiente utroque exercitu loquitur Afranius : Non 
esse aut ipsis aut militibus succensendum, quod fidem erga 
imperatorem suum Cn. Pompeium conservare voluerint 

4 Sed satis iam fecisse ofRcio satisque supplicii tulisse. Per- 
pessos omnium rerum inopiam; nunc vero paene ut feras 
circummunitos prohiberi aqua, prohiberi ingressu, neque 
corpore dolorem neque animo ignominiam ferre posse. 

5 Itaque se victos confiteri: orare atque obsecrare, si qui 
locus misericordiae relinquatur, ne ad ultimum supplicium 
progredi necesse habeat. Haec quam potest demississime 
et subiectissime exponit. 

1 LXXXV. Ad ea Caesar respondit : NuUi omnium has 
partes vel querimoniae vei miserationis minus convenisse. 

2 Reliquos enim omnes officium suum praestitisse : se^ qui 
etiam bona condicione, et loco et tempore aequo confligere 
noluerit, ut quam integerrima essent ad pacem omnia; 
exercitum suum, qui iniuria etiam accepta suisque inter- 
fectis, quos in sua potestate habuerit, conservarit et texerit; 
illius denique exercitus milites, qui per se de concilianda 
pace egerint, qua in re omnium suorum vitae consulendum 

3 putarint. Sic omnium ordinum partes in misericordia con- 
stitisse, ipsos duces a pace abhorruisse ; eos neque coUoquii 
neque indutiarum iura servasse et homines imperitos et per 

4 coUoquium deceptos crudelissime interfecisse. Accidisse 
igitur his, quod plerumque hominum nimia pertinacia atque 
arrogantia accidere soleat, uti eo recurrant et id cupidissime 

5 petant, quod paulo ante contempserint. Neque nunc se 
illorum humilitate neque aliqua temporis opportunitate pos- 
tulare, quibus rebus opes augeantur suae; sed eos exercitus, 
quos contra se multos iam annos aluerint, velle dimitti. 

6 Neque enim vi legiones alia de causa missas in Hispaniam 
septimamque ibi conscriptam, neque tot tantasque classes 


paratas neque summissos duces rei militaris peritos. Nihil 7 
horum ad pacandas Hispanias, nihil ad usum provinciae 
provisum, quae propter diuturnitatem pacis nuUum auxilium 
desiderarit Omnia haec iam pridem contra se parari : in 8 
se novi generis imperia constitui, ut idem ad portas urbanis 
praesideat rebus et duas bellicosissimas provincias absens 
tot annis obtineat ; in se iura magistratuum commutari, ne 9 
ex praetura et consulatu, ut semper, sed per paucos probati 
et electi in provincias mittantur ; in se etiam aetatis excu- 
sationem nihii valere, quin superioribus bellis probati ad 
obtinendos exercitus evocentur; in se uno non servari, 10 
quod sit omnibus datum semper imperatoribus, ut rebus 
feliciter gestis aut cum honore aliquo aut certe sine igno- 
minia domum revertantur exercitumque dimittant Quae 11 
tamen omnia et se tulisse patienter et esse laturum ; neque 
nunc id agere, ut ab illis abductum exercitum teneat ipse, 
quod tamen sibi difficile non sit, sed ne ilii habeant, quo 
contra se uti possint. Proinde, ut esset dictum, provinciis 1 2 
excederent exercitumque dimitterent ; si id sit factum, se 
nociturum nemini. Hanc unam atque extremam esse pacis 

LXXXVI. Id vero militibus fuit pergratum et iu- i 
cundum, ut ex ipsa significatione cognosci potuit, ut, qui 
aliquid iusti incommodi exspectavissent, ultro praemium 
missionis ferrent. Nam cum de loco et tempore eius rei 2 
controversia inferretur, et voce et manibus universi ex vallo, 
ubi constiterant, significare coeperunt, ut statim dimitte- 
rentur; neque omni interposita fide firmum esse posse, si 
in aliud tempus differretur. Paucis cum esset in utramque 3 
partem verbis disputatum, res huc deducitur, ut ei, qui ha- 
beant domicilium aut possessionem in Hispania, statim, reli- 
qui ad Varum flumen dimittantur; ne quid eis noceatur, neu 4 
quis invitus sacramentum dicere cogatur, a Caesare cavetvsj:. 


r LXXXVII. Caesar ex eo tempore, dum ad flumen 
Varum veniatur, se frumentum daturum pollicetur. Addit 
etiam, ut, quod quisque eorum in bello amiserit, quae sint 
penes milites suos, eis, qui amiserant, restituatur ; militibus 
aequa facta aestimatione pecuniam pro his rebus dissolvit 

2 Quascumque postea controversias inter se milites habue- 

3 runt, sua sponte ad Caesarem in ius adierunt. Petreius 
atque Afranius, cum stipendium ab legionibus paene sedi- 
tione facta flagitarentur, cuius illi diem nondum venisse 
dicerent, Caesar ut cognosceret, postularunt, eotjue utrique, 

4 quod statuit, contenti fuerunt Parte circiter tertia exer- 
citus eo biduo dimissa duas legiones suas antecedere, 
reliquas subsequi iussit, ut non longo inter se spatio castra 
facerent, eique negotio Q. Fufium Calenum legatum prae- 

5 ficit Hoc eius praescripto ex Hispania ad Varum flumen 
est iter factum, atque ibi reliqua pais exercitus dimissa est. 


(The text of this book being in a very unsettled state, the Appendix 
' On tbe Text' should be consulted throughout.) 

The marginal numbers refer to the seciions. 

Chap. I. 

P* 1« I Caesare'] the text is uncertain and we should perhaps read 
with H. Nissen litteris Caesaris a C, Fabio consuUbus reddUis^ in which 
case Fabius, who was a trusted legate of Caesar often mentioned in 
B. G. VIII., must be supposed to have accompanied C. Scribonius Curio 
who is elsewhere spoken of as the bearer of the letter, as in Dion 
Cassius XL. 66, xli. i ; Appian, B. C. ii. 32 ; cp. Cic. Fam. xvi. 11 
§ 1 omnino et ipse Caesar amictts noster minaces ad senatum et acerbas 
litteras miserat et erai adhuc impudens qui exercitum etprovinciam invito 
senatu teneret, et Curio meus illum incitabat, 

consuiibus] C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Comelius Lentulus Crus. 
The former was a cousin of the C. Marcellus who was consul in 50 and 
brother of M. Marcellus consul in 51. Caesar is rehiting the proceedings 
in the senate house on i Jan. 49 B.c. 

tribunorum] the tribunes particularly referred to are Q. Cassius 
Longinus, formerly quaestor to Pompey, and M. Antonius. With 
great difficulty they persuaded the consuls to read the letter to the 
senate, but could not induce them to make any definite statement on the 
immediate subject of the letter (ex litteris referre ad senatum). Pro- 
bably the tribunes and others kept shouting refer / refer /, cp. Cic. Cat. 
I. aa The tribunes were originally only allowed a seat outside the 
door of the senate house whence they might watch the proceedings ; at 
a later period, probably in the second century B.C., they gained ihe 
privil^e of becoming members of the senate and the ius rcfertndi. 

48 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

1 referttnt\ it was usual for the new consuls at the beginning of the 
year to make a general * reference * to the senate on public affairs, each 
senator in tum being asked to state his views, quid fieri placeat, I 
object to Hotoman*s infinite in place of the corrupt in civitate on the 
ground that if the word had been in ordinary use we should find it 
elsewhere in the historians or in Cicero, and moreover it is not clear 
that Gellius, xiv. 7 § 9, actually found the word in Varro from whom he 

audcuter acfortiter^^ * with boldness and resolution*. 

sententias dicere] * express their opinions ' on the point submitted to 
them : the presiding magistrate was said rogare sententias, 

3 utfecerintl^^utfecistismoT^Ltioxeciz.. Among the previous occasions 
referred to, Lentulus may be thinking of the debate in November 50 
when the senate voted by 370 to 22 in favour of Curio's proposal, 
or of the crowd of senators who waited on Caesar during his residence 
at Luca in the spring of B.c. 56. 

grc^iam seguantur] cp. amicitiam sequi 60 § 5, B. G. vii. 63. 

sibi consilium capturum\ cp. 76 § 2 neque sibi separatim a reliquis 
consilium capturos, ii. 20 § 3 si id nonfecissety sibi consilium captiiros, 

receptuni\ lit. *a way of retreat ' as in B. G. vi. ^ ne ad eos Ambiorix 
receptum haberet: translate here *he too could shelter himself under 
Caesar*s friendship and influence' ; cp. Liv. XLII. 13 receptum ad 
poenitendum. Some weeks later Caesar made overtures to Lentulus, 
Cic. Att. VIII. 9 § 4 Balbus minor ad me venit occtdta via currens ad 
Lentulum consulem missu Caesaris cum litteris, cum mandatis^ cum 
promissione provinciae^ Romam ut redeat, cui persuaderi posse non 
arbitroTf nisi erit conventus, 

4 Scipio] Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio, son of Comelius Scipk) 
and adopted by Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius. He was consul with Pompey 
for the last five months of the year 52, and in that year Pompey married 
his daughter Coraelia widow of Publius Crassus. 

eius] = Fompei. 

Chap. II. 

I aderat] the sentence is unsatisfactory — whether one reads cuJerat or 
aberat: with aderat, meaning * was in the neighbourhood *, Caesar would 
have expressed himself more logically had he written hcuc Scipionis 
oratioy quod Pompeius aderat, ex ipsius &c. ; while with aberat meaning 
* was not present in the senate * the quod is ill<^cal. On the whole 1 
jrefer to retain aderat the reading of the MSS. Scipio was known to be 

CAPP. 1. II.] NOTES, 49 

a close political ally of Pompey, and his atterances were not unnaturally 
regarded as prompted by Pompey, especially as the latter was in the 
neighbourhood of Rome, though as proconsul and armed with the im- 
perium he couid not enter the city. A few days before this Pompey had 
travelled with Cicero from Lavernium (?) to Formiae, apparently on his 
way to Rome ; Cic. Att. vii. 8 § 4 ; see below § 6 terrore praesentis 
3 aliquii^ ' some one ' : Caesar then proceeds to particularise, mention- 
ing Marcellus, Calidius, Rufus. Dr Reid's suggestion dixerant aliqui 
would make the sentence simpler. 

primd\ * at first ' : he afterwards changed his opinion, see below 


M. Marcdlus'\ consul 5 1 , see note on i § i . 
ingressus\ *■ starting with a discourse of this kind '. 
de ea re] Caesar's proposals. 
P« 3« quo praesidi0\—ut eo pracsidio, 

3 M, Calidius\ one of the praetors of 57, and an unsuccessful candi- 
date in the Caesarian interest for the consulship of 50. 

ereptis\ in the previous year a decree of the senate had been passed 
that Caesar and Pompey should each fumish a legion for the Parthian 
war. Pompey undertook to provide the legion which he had previously 
lent to Caesar. The latter accordingly had to give up this legion as 
well as to furnish one of his own, thus losing the use of two legions, the 
first and the fifteenth, while Pompe/s forces remained unimpaired : cp. 
B. G. VIII. 54. 

ab eo\ one would rather expect a se^ and suum^ for eius periculum; 
see note on 35 § 4. It is of course just possible that ab eo may mean ^'by 
him * (Pompey) in which case eo and eim will refer to difierent persons. 

ne...tnderetur\ *lest it should appear that P. was holding them back 
and retaining them near the city with a view to imperil him* (Caesar). 
The two legions were stationed either at Capua or in Apulia (cp. 14 
§ 3), hence ad urbem is misleading, though no doubt Pompey had some 
troops with him near Rome : cp. Appian 11. 29, Dion XL. 65, XLi. 3 iv 
yhp T(fi TpoaoTeltfi rds Svydfieis e^X^* 

retinere\ cp. B. G. viii. 55 cognoscit...legiones duas...Cn. Pompeio 
trctditas atque in Jtalia retefttas esse; Cic. Att. vii. 13A § 2 spes 
omnis in duabus insidiose retentis, paene alienis legionibus ; below 9 § 4. 

4 M, Rufus\ M. Caelius Rufus, aedile in 50, a strong partisan of 
Caesar. Seventeen of his letters to Cicero written in the years 51 — 4,8 
have been preserved (Fam. viii.). 

Vi^L, CJV, J. \ 

50 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

paucisfere\ *only a few * : Cicero would have written modo, 

5 correptt\ * caught up ' : tr, * all these were caught up and assailed 
with vehement invective by the consul L. Lentulus *, cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 
3. 257 correptus voce magistri, The consurs violent language is attested 
by Plutarch Caes. 30, KivTkov rov inraTOV ^wvtos SttXwi/ dciy vpbs dudpa 
Xi^ar^y o^ fijifKap, though he assigns it to a different part of the day^s 
proceedings : his account is altogether confusing, cp. Pomp. 58 Ma/>- 
k4Wov tov ^aTov XrjaHiv aroKaXovPTos Tbv Kalaapa, 

pronufUicUurum] the presiding magistrate is said pronuntiare 'to 
put ' a motion to the senate to be voted on. 

Marcellus'] the M. Marcellus of § 2. 

conviciis'] cp. 23 § 3 /tos omnes productos a contumeliis militum con- 
viciisque prohibet ; above § 5 convicio Z. Lentuiu The plural is more 
appropriate where the abuse proceeds from various quarters ; so here the 
reference is to the Pompeian senators generally. 

6 vociims'] * expressions *, * language ', see below 3^5 quorum vocibus ei 
concursu, The plural is always used of a startling or otherwise re- 
markable utterance. 

inviti et coacti] these words are not coordinate with compulsi^ but 
form a kind of abverbial adjunct to it : * a large number impelled {fom- 
pulsi) by...against their will and yielding to pressure adopt the opinion 
of Scipio*. According to Dion XLI. 2 only two, Curio and Rufus, 
voted against Scipio's proposal. [Plut. Ant. 5 says that many senators 
were influenced by the terms of Caesar^s letter which they thought just 
and moderate dlKoxa Koi fUrpia. J. S. R.] 

ante certam diem] from the expression erepto semestri imperio in 9 
§ 2 we may assume with Lange R. A. iil. 406 and Mommsen Rechts- 
frage p. 58 that the date in question was July ist, which would just 
allow of Caesar's ofifering himself in person as a candidate for the con- 
sulship the requisite time {trinum nundinum) before the election. 
Others take the date to be March ist 
8 intercedit] M. Antonius is chiefly in the writer's thought, hence he 
begins the sentence with the singular intercedit though two nouns 
follow and the plural tribuni in apposition to them : a similar sentence 
is 'and so was also James, and John, the sons of Zebedee'. Luke 
V. 10. 

refertur] Scipio's proposal, though carried by an overwhelming 
majority, could not be embodled in a senatus consultum on account of 
the veto of the tribunes : their intervention provoked a fresh debate. 
Tlie resoJution was however placed on record as an auctoritas ^ ytnbfirj 

CAPP. 11. 111.] NOTES, 51 

cwtyp&^fl Dion XLi. 3. These proceedings took place on Jan. md, 
Dion XLi. 2. 

dicuntur] at this point, according to Plutarch Caes. 30, a proposal 
was made by Antony, foUowing the terms of Caesar's dispatch, that 
both parties should lay down the imperium^ and to this the senate gave 
' its assent, x^et 6/uaX<3t vpoc€xiitpfii^o9 ; but Lentulus and Sdpio, acting 
in Pompey's interest, stoutly opposed this» and the sittings came to an 

Chap. III. 

T misso] the presiding magistrate used to dismiss the senate with some 
such words as mhH vos ieneOt patres conscripti, 

ad vesperum\ this is the usual accusative; the ablative or rather 
locative is vesperi or vespere, The noun vespera is archaic and poetic. 
It was apparently on this day a Jan. that the tribunes vetoed a resolu- 
tion proposing that the senators should put on mouming, a practice 
usually followed in a dangerous political crisis, but the senators dispensed 
with the official authorisation, leaving the house for the purpose of 
changing their garb. Dion XLI. 3, Plut Caes. 30. 

evocanhir\ are summoned out of the city. 

laudat'] a word seems wanted here to balance segniores ; it would be 
esisy to supply promptos before Pompeius, 
1 ordinum\ they were offered the post of centurion {ordo) ; ' companies * 
would be a fair, though not quite accurate, modem equivalent for the 
word here : see more on 46 § 4. 

evocantur"] used in a slightly different sense from that which it bears 
in § I : here ' called out to serve ' ; such persons are called evocati as 
below § 3. 

areessuntur'] this verb and accerso which may be of different origin 
are perpetually confused in the MSS. 

3 ipsum comitium] 'even the comitium itself': this was a space 
on the North-E^tem side of the forum originally used for public 

4 coguntur] cogere in senatum is the regular phrase for summoning 
members to attend the senate, the attendance being (theoretically) 
compulsory : cp. Cic. Phil. i. 11 quid tandem erat caussae cur in sena- 
tum hestemo die tam acerbe cogerer f Caesar here refers to the meeting 
of the senate on Jan. 5th, there was no meeting on the ^rd and ^th ; see 
note on 5 § 4. 

5 vero] vero in th« third clause, like denique^ d^iioXfi:^ ^^ OCvcs^^. 

52 DE BElLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

6 Z. Pisol L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, consul 58. Caesar marrfed 
bis daughter Calpurnia in 59. 

Z. Roscius] afterwards sent by Pompey with overtures to Caesar ; see 
note on 8 § Q. 

spaiit\ for the separation of the genitive from its governing noun cp. 
III. 92 tantum erat relictum spatii, The genitive dependent on sex dies 
(instead oispatium sex dierum) b perhaps miexampled. 
P* 3. 7 voluniatem'] * the feeling of the seuate* : the word is frequently 
used in a half political sense, denoting the general feeling or sentiment 
of any body of persons. 

Chap. IV. 

I omitibus kis.4,opponitur'\ *a stand is made against all these persons, 
and they are all confronted by speeches from the consul, Scipio and 
Cato '. Beware of taking efmnibus his as a neuter. 

7 inimicitiae\ Cato was an unbending and rather narrow-minded 
Roman of the old school, opposed alike to all political change and to all 
relaxation of social standards. His enmity to Caesar was therefore 
natural. For instances of it cp. Plut. Cat. 24, 33. 

dolor repulsae\ Cato stood for the consubhip in 51 but was defeated. 
] lis rejection was due, so far as we know, not to any opposition on the 
part of Caesar who was in Gaul at the time, but to his own impractic- 
ability. He bore his defeat with surprising equanimity, Plut. Cat. 49, 
50. For the form of the expression cp. Ovid Met. iii. 395 sed tamen 
haeret amor crescitque dolore repulsae ; Cic. Att. ix. 9 § i tanto plus 
apudme vaiere benejici grcUiam quam iniuriae dolorem volo. 

Lentulus\ he was in such an embarrassed position that VeHeius says 
of him that *the public safety meant his private ruin*. The previous 
year he had been suspected of favouring Caesar, Cic. Att. vi. 8 § a. 

regum appellandorum largitionibus\ *by the bounties offered for 
giving the title of rex\ Petty foreign princes were sometimes allowed 
by the Roman senate to hold the royal title. ^ For this privilege they 
were ready to pay, and the provincial govemor would be the person 
through whom they would most easily gain the ear of the senate. For 
instances of such corruption Dr Reid refers to Cic. Sest. 84, Har. 
resp. 29. 

redeat] for the form of the expression cp. B. G. vi. 11 quorum ad 
arbitrium iudiciumque summa omnium rerum consiliorumque redeat, 
B. C. III. 1% % 1 ad neminem unum summa imperii redit: *to whom 
sbouJd laU the supreme authority*. Lentulus may have based his 

CAPP. iiT. IV.] NOTES, 53 

assumptions on the fact of his being named Comelius, as 14 years before 
another Comelius Lentulus, on the strength of some real or pretended 
oracle, had claimed to be the third CorncHus who should hold supreme 
sway in Rome, the other two having been Cinna and SuIIa : Sall. Cat. 
47. Doubtless many Romans at this time aspired to military supremacy : 
cp. Cicero*s expression about Pompey Att ix. 10 § 6, ita sullaturit eius 
animus et proscripturit iamdiu, 

3 spes provinciae atque exercituum'] above spe exercitus ac provinciarum, 
but there is probably no particular reason for the change of number. 

necessitudine'] cp. note on i § 4. 

huliciorum metus] though Plutarch (Pomp. 55) speaks of him as 
yipovi (veKa xal do^i dfiefiirroiy yet he was threatened with a prosecution 
for bribery in connection with the consular elections of 52 and was only 
saved by the intervention of Pompey his son-in-Iaw: cp. Dion XL. 51 
Kdtyroy ^Kivlcaua irevdcpov t4 ol 6vra koX deKO^rfiov alrlai' tx^^'''^ xpwrel- 
XeTO...Ta/)* a^ToO (Tlo/JLTrrilov) riiv re inrarelav koI t6 /i^) KaTTfyo/njB^vax 
dyrAa/3e. iudiciorum metus does not mean ' fears as to the constitution 
of the courts of justice* (Moberley). 

ostentatio sut\ there is probably some conruption in the text as it is 
difficult to make potentium a genitive after ostentatio: ' cuiulatio is the 
flattery of ScaevoIa's friends, ostentatio sui the vanity which made him 
accessible to it : potentium seems an error for potentia eorum *, j. s. r. 

4 quod neminem volebat^ cp. the well known line of Lucan i. 125 nec 
quemquam iam ferre potest Caesarve priorem Pompeiusve parem\ Florus 
II. 13 and 14 nec Ule [Pompeius) ferebat parem^ nec hic superiorem, 
Pompey's arrogance and misplaced confidence in himself are constantly 
referred to, cp. Plut. Pomp. 57. 

totuml for this personal use of to/us cp. B. G. vi. 5 totus et mente et 
animo in beUum...insistit^ Cic. Fam. 11. 13 iam me Pompei totum esse 

eum communibus inimicis &c.] the sentence is obscure and the 
commentators have little or nothing to say about it. Caesar seems to 
mean that Pompey had reconciled himself with persons who had 
professed a common enmity for himself and Caesar, after causing the 
burden of their enmity to fall chiefly on the latter during ihe time that 
ihe two were connected by marriage, i.e. B.c. 59 — 54. Caesar is probabty 
thinking chiefly of Cato and Cicero, as well as of the great body of 
respectable persons whom Pompey*s want of tact when at the head of 
affairs in Rome had so far alienated that they looked with suspicion 
not only on himself but also on Caesar with whowv Vvt ^^^ ^^5fi!CNa\st^\\!k. 

54 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

power by the coalition of 60 : cp. especially Cicero's letters to Atticus 
II. 8, 9, \*i^ i\ % \ de re publica quid ego tibi subtiliterf tota periit atque 
hoc est miserior quam reliquisti^ quod tum videbatur eius modi dominatio 
cifvitatem oppressisse quae iucunda esset multitudiniy bonis autem ita 
molesta^ ut tamen sine pemicie; nunc repente tanto in odio est omnibus^ 
ut quorsus eruptura sit horreamus, From the instructive letter Fam. 
I. 9 we find how difficult it was for Cicero to keep on good terms with 
both Pompey and Caesar, and how any approach that he might make 
to either of them gave offence to the other. 

affinitatis\ generally used of connexion by marriage. Pompey 
marrled Caesar*s daughter Julia in 59; she died in Sept. 54. 

iniunxeratl 'had imposed*, generally of laying a burden on a 
person; notice that it is here followed bya quasi-personal object quorum 
maximam partem. 
5 infamicL\ the discredit of, i.e. attaching to, caused by, the two 

Asiae Syriaeque] I know of no parallel to this genitive after itinere, 
KH qu. II. 32 § 13 Italiae Jugamy but that is less harsh. Perhaps the 
words should be omitted altogether. [The only parallel I have seen 
quoted is Val. Flaccus l. 793 plcuidae sedis iter ; but iter sa/utist gtoriae 
&c. come very near ; so leti via &c. J. s. R.] 

rem ad arma deduci] Uhat the question should be brought to the 
arbitrament of war'. For the phrase cp. $ % $ res ad otium deduci^ 
B. G. V. 31 rem in summum periculum deducant^ B. C. i. 19 § 3. 

Chap. V. 

I turbate\ this word is of very rare occurrence. 

extremi iuris] the farthest or last of their rights, to which all the 
others lead up, i.e. the most important or fundamental: cf. below § 3 
i/lud extremum atque ultimum senatus consultum: but perhaps 
extremum is merely a variation for summum — the rigour of their 

intercessione\ there is perhaps no need to omit this word : * no 
opportunity is given the tribunes of retaining, by the exercise of their 
veto {intercessione)^ the most fundamental of their rights (viz. the right of 
exercising the veto) which L. SuIIa had left them'. SuIIa in 88 and 81 
took away most of the privileges of the tribunes but left them the right 
of intercessioy subject however to strict limitations; cp. Liv. Epit. 89 
tribunis plebis potestatem minuit et omite ius legum ferendarum ademit; 

CAPP. IV. V.] NOTES. 55 

Cic. L^. III* 93 quam ab rem in ista quidem re vehementer Sullam 
probo, qui tribunis plebis sua lege iniuruu faciendae potestatem ademerit, 
auxilii ferendi reliquerit; Vell. ii. 30, Appian B. C. I. 59, 100; see 
below 7 §§ 3* 3* [Caesar must be exaggerating in his reference to Sulla, 
if the statements are true that Sulla restricted the tribunes to the 
auxilii latio, One cannot believe that SuUa would have allowed 
validity to the use of the intercessio which these tribunes attempted. 
J. s. R.] 
3 septimo die"] on Jan. yth, but they entered on office on Dec. loth, 
hence Caesar means on the seventh day after the beginning of the policy 
inaugurated by the new consuls on Jan. ist. 

quod] this is the object of respicere and refers to de sua salute cogitare ; 
the words ac timere are added as a sort of afterthought. 

post octo denique menses'] Moberley refers to the case of Tib. Gracchus 
who was killed in about the eighth month of his tribunate. He might 
also have referred to M. Livius Drusus who was murdered in the ninth 
month of his tribunate in B.c. 91. The text however is corrupt. 

actionum] cp. Liv. v. 11 tribuni celebrare actiones : 'official acts\ 

respicere ac timere] the same words in B. G. viii. 27. 
3 extremum atque ultimum] so £air as there is any difference between 
these words perhaps extremum marks a thing as being the last of a 
series while ultimum brings out in a stronger degree its finality; cp. 
Cic. Fin. I. 11 quaeritur^ quid sitfinisy quid extremum^ quid ultimum, 

senatus consuUum\ this decree, the terms of which are given below, 
was 'a purely negative measure, the setting aside of constitutional 
checks which stand in the way of the preservation of the state' (Nissen). 
It had been issued in 52 and in 63, as well as on other occasions, 
when the position of affiaiirs was hardly more critical than in this 
year 49. Caesar is probably trying to mislead his readers; see note 
on 7 § 5. 

omnium salutis] a double genitive after desperatione 'amid the 
general despair of safety'. 

seeleratorum audacid\ a probable conjecture: *through the audacity 
of wicked men *. 

quique pro consulibus] *and those who in the place of consuls' i.e 
' and those proconsuls who ' ; the noun proconsul is merely a convenient 
form to express the more strictly correct pro consule, In decrees of this 
kind sometimes no magistrates except the consuls are mentioned. 
9* 4. 4 perscribuntur] decrees were always recorded in writing with the 
signatures of witnesses appended, who were said scribendo cwfcsse. 

56 DE BELLO CIVLLL [lib. i. 

gutdus...pofuU] Jsju 3rd, ^th, 7th, are marked C (Comitialis dies) in 
the Calendar, on which days it was against the rule for a sitting of the 
senate to be held, but in certain cases this rule could be dispensed with, 
as e.g. when the senate was summoned late in the day after the cotmiia 
were over (Cic. Att. i. 14 § 5), or when the day in question was a market 
day {nundinae) or an extraordinary holiday : so on this occasion there 
was a session of the senate on the 7th as well as on Jan. ist, 2nd, ^th, 
6th. Mommsen, Staatsrecht iii. 2, p. 922 foll. 
5 profugiunf^ the two tribunes Antonius and Cassius were accompanied 
in their flight by Curio and Rufus. 

Unissimis] 'his extremely mild demands': it is strange that any 
editor should retain the MS reading Uvissimis, 

kominum'] the parties concemed ; the people at Rome. 

deduct\ see note on 4^5: 'aflairs could be brought to a peacefiil 
settlement \ 

Chap. VI. 

I extra urbem] or, as it is elsewhere expressed, outside the pomerium^ 
cp. Dion XLI. 3 tffTcpov di ^^ai tov irwfnjpiov wpbt ainbv Tbv Hoti.vqiov 
i\06yT€s rapaxi^y t€ ehai iyvuxsav /c.t.X. The precise nature of the 
pomerium is disputed but it may be taken in a general way to mean the 
boundary line of a town or settiement, the ground within which was 
consecrated and so marked ofF from the surrounding ager, It originated, 
according to Varro Lingua Latina v. 143, in the old Etruscan habit of 
drawing a line round a new settlement with a plough and a yoke of 
oxen; the trench cut by the plough was called the fossa and the line of 
earth thrown up on the inner side the murus, then the line or strip 
of ground behind, i.e. inside (according to some, outside) the wall was 
called the pos-merium or pomerium (cp. pomeridianus) ; sometimes the 
word denoted the whole of the interior space, so that pomerium and 
urbs were almost equivalent. As the state grew the pomerium had to 
be moved farther outwards, and this was done by SuUa and by Caesar. 
See chiefly Mommsen's paper *der Begriflf des Pomerium' in his 
Romische Forschungen, Vol. 2, H. Jordan, Topographie Roms i. i, 
p. 166 foU., Nissen, Ausbruch des 6iirgerkrieg's, § 2. 

The reason for the senate meeting outside the walls was to secure 
the presence of Pompey who as proconsul and armed with the imperium 
could not enter the city. The place where they met was the temple of 
Apollo built about 430 B.c. just outside Htatporta Carmentalis \ cp. Cic. 
Att. XV. 3 illa quae recordaris Lentulo et Marcelh consulibus acta in 

CAPP. V. VI.] NOTES. 57 

aede Apollinis^ where he is probably referring to this occasion : q). Luc. 
III. 103. Merivale says they met in the temple of Bellona which was 
also ontside Htn^ pomerium^ but this is less likely. 
1 Ugi(mes..,X\ it is difficult to say how the ten legions are to be 
reckoned, nor can we be sure that Pompey ever made the statement 
here attributed to him by Caesar. He probably means the seven legions 
in Spain, the two taken from Caesar, and the force under Domitius amount- 
ing to about one more legion. Monmisen however, R. H. iv. 389 foU., 
believes that Pompey had about 10 legions in Italy without reckoning 
the Spanish army, viz. three remaining from the levies of 55, the troops 
ratsed in 52, and two withdrawn from Caesar. KH agree in excluding 
the absent Spanish troops from the account, and suppose the number to 
be made up by the forces raised by Pompey at the end of 50 (Appian, B. 
C. II. 31, Plut. Ant. 5) and in the beginning of this year 49. This view of 
Mommsen's is severely and, I think, justly criticised by M. Stoffel, 
Histoire de Jules C^sar, i. 207 folL ; cp. Goler Biirgerkrieg, p. 2. 

mUites\ Caesar's own troops; so Appian, B. C. Ii. 30, says that 
messengers Urx}^fA.^WTO T<fi HofiTniUfi rV ffTparidiif KcUaapos TeTpvfUprjv re 
Toutp KoX XP^Vf "^^ ^^ ^'^^*' voBovaaUf fieradi^ffeffOai wpbi airbv Sre rd, 
"AXxeia Si^doiep: cp. Plut. Caes. 29. There was no truth in the 
report, except so far as it might be justified by the defection of one of 
Caesar's most trusted officers, Labienus, which took place about this time. 
aut sequantur saltem"] *or at any rate foUow him* i.e. if he wanted to 
advance on Rome. saltem is only used here in Caesar : cp. Cic. Att 
IX. 6 § 5 eripe hunc dolorem aut minue saltem, 

3 Faustus Sulla\ L. Comelius Sulla Faustus son of the dictator Sulla 
who when he took the title of Felix gave his twin children the 
appellatives Faustus and Fausta. He married Pompey's daughter 
Pompeia : in 46 he was killed in Africa by Caesar who spared his wife 
and children; cp. B. Af. 95. 

Mauritaniani\ the north-westem portion of Africa corresponding 
to part of Morocco and Algeria. Bocchus, son of the Bocchus who 
surrendered Jugurtha to the Dictator SuUa, was king of the eastera 
portion and his brother (?) Bogud of the westem. By means of Faustus 
Pompey might hope to establish friendly relations with these princes. 

4 Iub(i\ King of Numidia. The extent of his dominions is deschbed 
in exaggerated language by Lucan iv. 670 foll. His political attitude 
is stated in B. C ii. 25 huie et patemum hospitium cum Pompeio €t 
simultas cum Curione interccdcbat^ quod tribunus plebis legem promulga- 
veratt qua lege regnum lubae publicavercU ; Dion XLi» \i% 

S8 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

socius\ the Romans oflen granted these titles to friendly foreign 
kings or chieflains, e.g. B. G. i. 3 Catamantaloedes ; 35, 43 Ariovistus; 
IV. 12 the grandfather of Piso Aquitanus; vii. 31 OUovico; cp. B. AI. 
34 regna sociorum atque amicorum. Juba was afterwards declared by 
Caesar an enemy of the 'Roman people, but received distinctions and 
the title of rex from Pompey, Dion XLi. 42. 

Marcellus...nega{\ the reason for his objection is doubtfuL Moberley 
says " Marcellus stopped this measure probably because the combination 
of Bocchus with Juba, even as allies of the senate, would be dangerous; 
especially considering that a stoppage of the African corn-ships might 
starve Rome, if events led the two kings to form such a plan". The 
German editors ignore the difficulty. 

in prcusentid\ I take this as abl. sing. oi praesentiay so both Merguet 
and Meusel in their Lexx. s. v. : others regard it as n. pl. of praesens, 
\in praesens is first found in Livy, and the final use of in apart from 
some verb such as venire to help it out is not classical. j. s. r.] 
5 Philippus\ L. Marcius Philippus, praetor in 44, son of the consul 
of 56, for whom see below. Cic. Phil. ili. 35 calls him inr patre avo 
maioribus suis dignissimus, 

perscribuntur\ there being no opposition they are passed and re- 

privcUis\ since the time of Sulla it had been usual for the consuls 
and praetors to proceed to their provincial administrations on the 
expiration of their term of ofiice at Rome, but in 52 it was enacted 
that for the future a period of five years should elapse between the 
consulship or praetorship and the provincial administration ; the regular 
succession of provincial govemors under this rule would not begin till 
47 or 46, and meanwhile the provinces had to be assigned to ex-consuls 
or ex-praetors who had as yet held no provincial governorships. The 
exact method by which this was to be done cannot now be satisfactorily 
determined ; see Mommsen, Rechtsfrage, p. 45, n. 118. There were in 
all 1 4 provinces to dispose of. 

Scipioni\ see note on i § 4. The province of Syria had been 
assigned to M. Crassus in 55 for 5 years, together with the conduct 
of the war against the Parthians. In 53 Crassus and his son were 
defeated and slain. The position of Syria, exposed as it was to the 
formidable power of the Parthians, sufBciently accounts for the pro- 
minence assigned to it. 

L, Doviiti6\ L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul 54. The govemor- 
ship of Gaul, the scene of Caesar*s long course of victory, was obviously 

CAP. VI.] NOTES. 59 

a difficult post to administer, and was therefore assigned to the most 
suitable ex-consul available. 

Philippus et Cottd\ L. Marcius Philippus, consul 56. He was 
connected by marriage with the Julian family, being the second 
husband of Atia, mother of Augustus and daughter of Caesar's sister 
Julia and M. Atius Balbus. This would sufficiently account for his 
being passed over in favour of the later consul Domitius. Similarly 
L. Aurelius Cotta, consul 65, was passed over, Caesar's mother having 
been an Aurelia and possibly Cotta*s sister. The foilowing genealogical 
table will make this note clearer. 

C. lulius Caesar=Aurelia 


Iulia=M. Atius Balbus C. lulius Caesar (Dictator) 

Atia=(i) C. Octavius: (3) L. Marcius Philippus 

Augustus Octavia minor=(i) C Marcellus: (3) M. Antonius. 

privato consilio] * by private arrangement ', with a slight implication 
of something underhand, and so almost like our word 'job*. 

deiciuntur] 'are thrown into the um': cp. Verg. Aen. v. 490 
convenere znri deiectamque aerea sortem accepit galea, 
6 praetoresl equivalent to prcutorii, persons who had held the office of 

neque exspectan(\ they do not wait for the passing of a law (apparently 
9l, plebiscitum^ cp. ad populum feratur) conferring on them the imperium, 
Of course before the passing of the lex Pompeia in 54, by which it was 
enacted that there should be an interval of 5 years between the tenure 
of office as consul or praetor and the provincial governorship, the 
imperium conferred by the lex curiata on the consul or praetor when 
entering on his consulship or praetorship would not be intemipted, the 
offices being continuous, and so would cover both the home and the 
foreign administration ; but the magistrates here mentioned whose office 
had expired some years would in the ordinary course of things require a 
fresh decree of some sort (see Mommsen, Rechtsfrage, n. 1 16) conferring 
the imperittm, In the words quod superioribus annis acciderat Caesar 
has in his mind the conferring of the imperium on the incoming consul 
or praetor before 53, which imperium as stated above would not need 
renewal at the entry on the provincial governorship : cf. Rechtsfrage, 
p. 44. It should be remembered that the ^tonvwcaA xm^tYxum H\'a&. 

$o DE BELLO CIVTLL [lib. i. 

more limited in extent than that of the consul or praetor, but was 
included in it, on the principle of omne maius continet in se minus. 

paludatique\ wearing the paludamentum or scarlet cloak appropriated 
to generals holding the imperium. 

votis nuncupatis\ *after offering vows*. Festus explains *vota 
nuncupata dicuntur qucu consules praetores cum in provinciavi proji- 
ciscuntur faciunt ; ea in tabulcu praesentibns multis referuntur^ cp. 
Livy, XXI. 63 C, Flaminium fugisse ne...auspicato profectus in 
Capitolium ad vota nuncupanda pcUudcUus inde cum lictoribus in 
provinciam iret, 

quod ante id tempus cucidit numquam] this statement is so demon- 
strably and even ludicrously untrue that Voss, Nipperdey and others 
would eject the words altogether. But Caesar who elsewhere in this 
narrative shows a disregard for truth no doubt relied on his readers 
having short memories, and I do not see why he should be less likely 
to make a false statement, if it suited his purpose to do so, than a 
modem Christian statesman. Before the time of SuIIa it had been the 
regular thing for the consuls to leave the city during their term of office, 
and although in 81 the tex Corttelia de provinciis enacted that they 
should not leave it till the expiration of their year, yet between that 
date and 49 there had been five or six instances of the rule being 
contravened. Caesar however for his own purposes chooses to ignore 
these. The subject is fully discussed by Mommsen, Rechtsfrage, p. 29 
foIL, and by Nipperdey, Quaestiones, 128 foll., and in an article in the 
Rheinisches Museum, xvii. 1862 reprinted in his Opuscula, p. 422 foll. 
[It was the going in and out of the city and yet retaining the imperium 
which Caesar declared unparalleled. He would never have said that 
breaking a usage which had only existed since SuIIa was contra omnia 
vetustatis exempla, By this recrossing of \}citpomerium aftcr leaving it 
in military array they hecame privati. J. s. R.] 

7 privati] I take this word to refer to the consuls and praetors just 
mentioned who were on the point of leaving the city attended by their 
lictors and with all the insignia of authority. Caesar invidiously calls 
them privati because they had not had the imperium properly conferred 
on them. KH and Doberenz think that the proconsules ad urbem 5 § 3 
are meant. 

vetustatis] *former times*, *the past*. 

8 municipiis] ' municipal towns ' whose inhabitants possessed the civi- 
tas sine suffragio. 

CAPP. VI. VI 1.] NOTES. 61 

Chap. VII. 

}« 5* 1 temporum iniurias inimicorum] for the double genitive cp. 5 
§ 3; B. G. I. 19 sine eius offensione animi; ii. 17 eorum dierum con- 
suetudine itineris ; lil. \% superiorum dierum Sabini cunctcUio, 

deductum ac depravatum] dediuere to lead aside or astray, depravare 
to make crooked, distort : tr. ' had been led astray and his judgement 

imridia...suae] 'through jealousy and a desire to depreciate his 
(Caesar's) credit *. 

cuius] = cum eius ; the atm being concessive, 'although* or 
* whereas '. 
t nozmm] to inflict armed yiolence on a tribune would be a most 
heinous ofience ; in fact Cicero says there was an old law that anyone 
who struck a tribune was punishable with death. It does not appear 
however that on this occasion any actual violence was used ; cp. Cic. 
Fam. XVI. 1 1 Antonius quidem noster et Q. Cassius nulla tn expulsi ad 
Caesarem cum Curi<me profecti erant : even in Appian, B. C. ii> 331 
where great stress is laid on the insult done to the tribunes, the consuls 
are represented as only using violent language ; o2 ihrarot MdpKcXAos re 
Kal AhrrXos iKiXevov rotr d/u^l rbv *Ju>Tdnfwv iKCTTjwai toO vwt^pLov, fii| n 
Kal 5iifULpxov¥T€s 6/jim wd0oi€if dTortirrepoi' ; nor does Antony complain 
of more than 0/3/ks : cp. Plut Ant. 5 A4vt\os hiraTtAiav ^ipoKe r^f povXrjs 
T^ ^Kjmaviov : Caes. 3 1 <ii xtpl A4vt\op odK dwp ^aTet&ovTes dXXd Kal 
TTis PovXrjs *ApTti»no¥ Kal KovpUapa xpowriKaKUroPTes i^Xaaap aTl/uas : cp. 
Cic. Phil. II. 51 foll.; Suet. Caes. 31. 

in re publica] **as often, an attributive phrase to exemplum^ hence 
not in retn publicam ". j. s. R. 

notaretur] Madvig cj. vetaretur^ but this use of veto is not elsewhere 
found in Caesar, and seems to be confined to poetry and later prose, cp. 
Tac Hist. I. 23 mathematici genus hotninum quod in civitcUe nostra et 
velabitur semper et retinebitur, The slight harshness of notaretur is 
softeued by the proximity of opprimeretur on which the chief stress of the 
sentence lies. 

restituta] by Pompey in his first consulship B.c. 70. The word 

armis which occurs in the MSS. after annis I omit as an obvious slip of 

the copyist. 

3 Sullam] see note on 5 § i : the statement in the text is not strictly 

correct, as Sulla did not leave the tribunes the right of veto uniixi^«.vc<^<l« 

62 DE BELLO CLVILL [lib. i. 

nudata...tanun\ nudata potestate is a concessive abl. absolute 
*though he had stripped * followed by tamen ; cf. Cic. Att. vii. i8 § i 
Caesarem quidem Z. Caesare cum mandatis de pace misso tamen aiunt 
acerrime delectum habere * although he had sent '. 

4 videaturl *b supposed to have restored*, 'has the reputation of 
having restored '. 

dona.„habuerint\ the privilege of inviolability. The text is probably 

5 quotienscumqtu\ the decree was passed in the years lai, loo, 83, 

63» 5»- 

qua...voccUus\ the general effect of the senatus consultum ultimum is 

thus summarized by Saliust, Cat. 29 ea potestas per senatum more 

Rotnano magistratui maxima permittitur^ exercitum parare^ bellum 

gerere^ coercere omnibus modis socios atque cvves^ domi militiaeque 

imperium atque iudicium summum habere: aliter sine popuU iussu 

nullius earum rerum consuli ius est, With Caesar's expression cp. 

Liv. Epit. 61 ex senatus consulto vocato ad arma populo ; Cic. de orat. 

II. 132 cum ex senatus consulto ad arma vocasset, 

inpemiciosis legibus"] this would apply to the years 133 and 100 when 
radical changes in the law had been proposed by C. Gracchus and 
L. Apuleius Saturninus. Whether their laws were really pemiciosae is 
another matter. 

in vi tribunicia] this would also apply to the same two years. In 
the case of Tib. Gracchus B. c. 133 apparently no such decree was 
passed. " The murder of Tib. Gracchus and his 300 followers had not 
even a semblance of legality. Plut. Tib. Gracch. 19 distinctly says that 
the consul Scaevola refused to allow the SCtum to be passed. Hence 
consulem languentem in Cic. T. D. iv. 51 ; in gerenda re segnior p. 
Domo 91 ; the other accounts in Val. Max. iii. 1 17 all I think agree." 
J. s. R. 

in secessione populi.,,occupatis] as in 13 1 when the Aventine was 
occupied by an armed multitude, Liv. Epit. 61. Caesar may also be 
thinking of the well-known secessiones populi in 343 when M. Valerius 
Corvus was appointed dictator, and in 387 when Q. Hortensius was 
appointed, for, though the appointment of a dictator was not quite 
the same thing as the sencUus consultum ultimum by which the senate 
empowered the higher magistrates to secure the safety of the state, yet 
the practical effect was much the same, i.e. the ordinary laws were 
suspended. The dictatorship was not employed after 303 till revived 
hy SuiJa Jji 83. 


templis] this may refer to the occupation of the Capitol by Tib 
Gracchus in 133 and by Saturninus in 100 (KH). 

casibus] ^by the fate that befel'. Tib. Gracchus was killed with 
about 300 others in a riot, the opposite party being headed by P. Scipio 
Nasica; his brother Gaius in iii attempted with one attendant to fly 
from the pursuit of his enemies, but they were overtaken and slain, or, 
according to another account, committed suicide ; Saturninus was slain 
with the praetor Servilius Glaucia in the Curia Hostilia by an armed 
force under the consul C. Marius. 

docetl * he points out to them *. 

illo tetnpore\ * on this occasion ' i.e. January 49. 

6 IX anftis"] B.c. 58 — 50 inclusive. For the ablative of * time through- 
out which' events happen, cp. 46 § i cum esset pugnatum continenter 
horis quinque^ 47 § 3 quinque horis praelium sustinuissent. 

proelia secundd\ the phrase is regarded almost as a single word, to 
which the adjective plurima is attached ; cp. B. G. Vli. 36 equestri- 
praelio levi. 

Gernuiniapique\ by his defeat of the Suebi and other German tribes 
bordering on the Rhine Caesar had practically ' pacified * Germany and 
prevented any fresh rising. 

7 legionis XJII] B. G. VIII. 54 in eius (legionis XV) lociim XIII 
legionem in Italiam mittit (from Avaricum). The legion had been 
levied in 57, cp. B. G. Ii. 1. 

initio tumultus] probably early in December, assuming that Nissen 
Ausbruch § 6 is right in his view that Caesar regarded the proceedings 
of the first week of December as the beginning of the tumiUtus^ when 
the consul Marcellus laid upon Pompey the duty of defending the state 
by employing the forces that he had under his command and levying 
others : Plut. Pomp. 59. It was not till 9 Jan. that the senate issued 
its formal decretum tumultus. 

iniurias defendere\ *repel*, *ward oflf*: frequently so used; cp 
defendere bellum in B. G. I. 44, ii. 29, VI. 33; defendere vim B. C III. 
iio: propulsart is similarly used, as in B. Gt VI. 15 iniurias illatas 

Chap. VIII. 

f cognita militum voluntate] this may mean either ' having ascertained 
the feeling of the troops', or 'being assured of the good will of the 
troops', according to the indefinite meaning oivotuntas; cp. § 7. 

Ariminum] now Rimini, a Latin colony founded 16!^ '^.^. ^L^Ksaa. 

64 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. l 

distinctly says that it was here that he first met the fiigitive tribunes, 
and Suetonius, Caes. 33, and Dion XLI. 4 agree with this statement , 
from Appian B. C. Ii. 33, 34 one would gather that they came to him at 
Ravenna and that after his interview with them he crossed the Rubicon 
and occupied Ariminum. For the probable dates of these events see 
note on II § 4. 

hibemis] the wmter quarters of the l^ons are stated in B. G. viii. 
54. C. Trebonius was in command of four among the Belgae, and C. 
Fabius of four more among the Aedui. From the subsequent move* 
ments of these troops it wiU appear probable that Caesar's orders were 
sent some weeks previously and not on his arrival at Arim*num. 
1 Z. Caesar] he came as Pompey's envoy, accompanied by the praetor 
L. Roscius Fabatus. He was of a different branch of the Julian 
family from the Dictator. According to Drumann his great great grand- 
father was brother to Caesar^s great grandfather. His father, Caesar!s 
legate, who was consul in 64, is mentioned B. G. vii. 64. 

reliquo sermone] the introductory remarks that were considered 
polite among the Romans, as now in the £ast, before the visitor 
touches on the real purpose of his visit. J. s. R. 

cuius rei causa] these words must be taken in sense with what 
foUows 'he explains to him &c. and this was the real cause of his 
visit\ J. s. R. 

privati Ojfficii mandata'] *instructions in a matter of private obligation': 
the phrase does not mean much more than * instructions of an informal 
nature '. He had no writings to show. 
)• 6« 3 purgatum'] notice the omission of essey which is common in 
Plautus and Cicero after volo» 

in suam contumeliam vertat] * should construe as an affiront to him- 

rei publicae dimittere] dative of advantage ; *give up in the interest 
of the commonwealth' : Caesar uses condonare in a similar sense, B. G. 
l. 10 uti et rei publicae iniuriam et suum dolorem eius voluntati ac 
precibus condonet, 'forget the wrong done to the state and his own 
indignation in consideration of his good-will and entreaties*. Dr Reid 
suggests that causa, written compendiously cd, may have fallen out 
after reipublicae. 

nocerese speref] *hopes that he is injuring', to be distinguished from 
nociturum se speret, 
4 excusatione Pompet] as excusare aliquem is *to free a person from 
Ixlame', *to exonerate', so these words may mean *an exoneration o{ 


Pompey'; in which case tr. 'he adds a few remarks of this kind the 
while making excuses for Pompey*: but LS take Pompei to be subjective 
genitive *accompanied with Pompey*s excuses'. 

eadem...demonstrat'\ 'the praetor Roscius lays substantially the same 
proposals before Caesar and in the same language, and makes it clear 
that he received them from Pompey' : the use of the word commemorasse 
shows that the instructions were oral, not written. 

Chap. IX. 

I nihil\ adverbial accusative *in no respect'. 

nactus^ causal *since he had found '. 

/tomines] viz. Roscius and L. Caesar. 

graventur] cp. B. G. I. 35 ut in colloquium venire invitatus gravare- 
tur *object*, *think it too much trouble'. 

si...possin/] *if haply they might*. 
7 primam] *of first iraportance'; cp. Sall. Cat. 36 otium atque divitiae 
qnae prima mortales putant, 

populi beneficium] the plebiscitum carried on the proposal of the 
tribunes in March 53, which allowed Caesar to stand for the consulship 
in his absence at the expiration of the usual interval of 10 years since 
his last consulship in 59. As the consular elections took place in July 
this decree implied, though it was not expressly stated, that Caesar 
should retain his provincial governorship from the end of Feb. to the 
end of Dec. 49. By the later lcx Pompeia de iure magistratuum the old 
rule requiring a personal candidature was re-affirmed; see Introduction 
§ 15, and Appendix ii. to my edition of B. G. viii. 

per contumeliam] *by way of insult'; cp. Suetonius, Caes. 11 negante 
quodam per contumeliam facile hoc uUi feminae fore, 

semenstri imperio] assuming that Caesar's provincial govemorship did 
not terminate till 31 Dec. 49, it would follow that six months of his 
imperium would be sacrificed if he had to retum at tlie b^raiing of 
July to canvass in person for the consulship. See note on 3 § 6 ante 
certam diem, 

cuius absentis]=cum eius (or sui) absentis *though the people had 
directed that his candidature should be allowed in his absence at the 
ensuing comitia*; i.e. at the comitia which were to take place in the 
summer of 49 : cp. Suet. Caes. 76 egit cum tribunis plebis collegam se 
Pompeio destinantibus id potius cul populum ferrent ut cd>senti sibi 
quandoque imperii tempus expleri coepisset ptiiiifi secundx cotv^vXai-u* 

BEL. CIV. I. ^ 

66 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

dareiuf\ ne ea causa maturius et imperfecto adhuc bello decederet, [Is it 
fanciful here to see in the use of the words expleri coepisset in place of 
the more natural expletum esset a vague reference to the strict termination 
of the proconsular command at the end of Feb. 49, which might 
however without illegality be prolonged to 31 Dec. 49?] The command 
was conferred on Caesar for 5 years from i Mar. 59, but Caesar instead of 
entering on it at that date, which he probably might have done although 
he was at the time consul, preferred, in obedience to the directions of 
the Comelian law by which a consul was obliged to remain in the city 
during his year of office, to enter on his proconsular command on i Jan. 
58. Reckoning from this date the two periods of 5 years would not 
expire till 31 Dec. 49. Cp. Plut. Caes. 29, App. ii. 25. 

proximisl proximus is *next preceding' or *next ensuing', here the 
latter as in III. 82 § 5, the former in B. G. vii. 67. 

3 omnes^l all in command on either side : Caelius writing to Cicero in 
Sept. 50 (Fam. Vlii. 14 § 2) s&ys /ert tamen (Caesar) iiiam condicionem 
ui ambo exerciius trctdant: cp. Suet Caes. 29 senatum litteris deprecatus 
est ne sibi beneficium populi adimeretur^ aut ut ceteri quoque imperatores 
ab exercitibus discedereni. 

4 reiineri legiones Il\ see notes on 2 § 3. 

5 quonam...pertinere'\ cp. Roby § 1782; questions, if part of the 
continuous report of a speech, are put in the infinitive, if of the first or 
third person ; in the subjunctive, if of the second person. 

ad omnia descendere^ for this derived sense of descendere *have 
recourse to* cp. Cic Att. IX. 18 § 3 ji sibi consiliis nostris uti non 
Ucereiy usurum quorum posset, ad omniaque esse descensunim ; B. G. VII. 
33 ne tanta tnm aique arma descenderet; above 5 § 3 quo.., 
nunquam ante descensum est, B. C. III. 9 § 3 a</ exiremum auxilium 
descenderunt, ad omnia 'to anything'; so omnia pati=quidvis pati, 

in suas provincias\ the two Spanish provinces, Hispania citerior and 
ulterior, constiluted B.c. 197. They were bestowed on Pompey for 5 
years in 55. 

ipsi exercitus dimiiiani\ in or. recta nos exercitus dimittamus^ *let us 
(i.e. Caesar's party) dismiss our armies'. 

libera comitia] * free elections'. Caesar means it to be inferred that 
the elections would be overawed by the presence of Pompey with troops 
in the neighbourhood of Rome. 

omnis res pub/ica] * the whole conduct of the commonwealth *. 

6 quofiant] quoy as a final conjunction, being only used by Caesar virith 
compamtives, ut musi be mentally supplied before certisque condicionibus 

CAPP. IX.— XI.] NOTES. 67 

(KH). Dr Reid suggests that magis may have fallen out after ceriisque, 
cp. B. G. VI. 16 excelsius magisque directum, 
p« 7« anines controversiae] * all the points in dlspute'. 

Chap. X. 

I Capuam\ Teanum in Campania and not Capua was the scene of the 
conference between Pompey and Caesar*s envoys; Cic. Att. vii, 13 B § 3, 
14 § I Z. Caesar mandata Ccusaris detulit ad Pompeium a, d, VIII 
Kalendas cum is esset cum consulibus Teani, Cicero saw L. Caesar the 
same day 23 Jan. at Mintumae evidently on his way to the meeting 
place Teanum. Immediately after the conference Pompey left for 
Venafrum. The conference seems to have been renewed at Capua on 
the i^th; see note on 10 § 4. 

3 in Galliam excedere{\ this is not really a vffTepw irp&rtpov though it 
looks like it. Caesar might of course retum to Gaul and yet retain 
possession of Ariminum. The Pompeians wanted the hostile garrison 
removed from Ariminum, and no doubt from the other towns, Pisaurum, 
Ancona, Arretium, the news of the capture of which by Caesar had 
reached Rome a week before. See note on 1 1 § 4. 

Chap. XI. 

I iniqud\ the terms were unfair in Caesar^s view for this reason, that he 
was to disband his army and retum to Gaul, while Pompey who was to 
go to Spain was to be allowed to retain the two legions which did not 
rightfully belong to him, having been taken from Caesar (legiones 
cUienas). We must suppose that there was some stipulation of this 
kind in the ultimatum sent by Pompey. The effect of it would be that 
Pompey would have an armed force in Italy while Caesar would have 
none. I cannot understand why Paul should substitute absentent for 
cUienas. KH seem to go equally astray in denying that provincias means 
the Spanish provinces. 

dUectus hahere^ understand ipsum again from the last sentence : ' to 
want Caesar's army disbanded but to go on levying troops himself. As 
Caesar was pushing forward his troops and occupying towns in N. Italy 
it was hardly unfair of Pompey to go on with his levies. 

1 percuto consulatu Caesaris] ' when Caesar's consulship was over* : it is 
argued that in neglecting to fix a date for his promised departure, 
Pompey had secured himself against a chat^e o^ V>\^?iJ«ATv^\cN&^<5k\.^«:*«xv 

68 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

if he should stay in Italy till Caesar's consulship was over, that is, till 
the b^nning of 47. But the text is probably faulty, and there is little 
point in the reference to the endoi Caesar*s office. I should like to read 
si peractis consularibus comitiis non profectus esset, Caesar would then 
refer to the possibility of Pompey's remaining in Italy at the head 
of an army till after the consular elections and so influencing their 

3 vero^l introduces the climax. 
accessurum] note the omission of se, 

4 itaqtie...occupat'\ Nissen remarks that in this paragraph Caesar 
distorts the sequence of events in an incredible way. The news of the 
capture of these towns reached Rome before Cicero left the city, which 
he did on the i8th, cp. Att. ix. 10 § 4, Fam. xvi. 12 § 2. Yet Caesar 
here says that he did not occupy them till after he had received Pompey's 
reply, which could not have reached him before the ^pth I The course 
of events was somewhat as foUows. The tribunes were expelled from 
the senate on 7 Jan. ; news of this reached Caesar at Ravenna on the 
loth; he at once advanced, crossed the Rubicon on the iith and 
occupied Ariminum on the nth, where he met the fugitive tribunes. 
Here he harangued his troops, dwelling on the insult done to the sacred 
tribunicial office. Without delay he pushed forward detachments of 
troops to occupy Arretium and the coast towns. Meanwhile Pompey 
not having yet heard of the crossing of the Rubicon sent L. Caesar and 
Roscius with proposals to Caesar, whom they found at Ariminum on or 
about the i^th. About the ipth Caesar sent them back again to Pompey 
with whom they had an interview at Teanum on the 23rd. After a 
further deliberation at Capua on the 25th the envoys retumed to Caesar 
at Ariminum, arriving there about the ^pth. The news of Caesar's 
crossing of the Rubicon and capture of the Italian towns, brought 
presumably by successive messengers, reached Rome, as stated above, 
before the i8th, probably on the i^th, i6th, and i^th, and consequently 
after Pompey's first mission. I have here given a brief summary of 
M. Stoffel's carefiil investigations into the perplexing chronology of this 

cohortibus V] these, with the two remaining at Ariminum and the 
three despatched to the three coast towns, make up the l^on under 
Caesar's command. 

Arretium"] Arezzo, on the via Flaminia about 150 miles from Rome 

and 4-0 miles S.E. of Florence. By this bold strat^c movement Caesar 

commanded tbe main route through Etruria. If Antony left Ariminum 


on the I2th, that is, immediately after his own and Cae3ar's arrival 
there, he would reach Arretium on the i^th. 

Fisaurum\ Pisaro, on the coast 22 miles from Arhninum. 

Fanum] sometimes called Fanum Fortunae, Tac. Hist ili. 50, now 
Fano, about 8 miles from Pisaurum. 

Anconam] Ancon (Arj[Kdijv) or Ancona, the latter more usual in prose» 
founded about 580 by the Syracusans, on the coast 33 miles from Fanum. 
On the importance of these towns, commanding as they did the main 
routes to the north of Italy, see Merivale ii. 142. 

Chap. XII. 

Igutnuml now Gubbio, in the Umbrian Apennines on the via 
Flaminia 50 miles from Fanum. 

Thermutn pra€torem\ Q. Minucius Thermus propraetor of Asia for 
two years 52 — 50. Cicero addressed 5 letters to him which are still 
extant, Fam. xiii. 53 — 57. The term praetor is incorrectly applied to 
him by Caesar, cp. (i%(i^ where most editors a.\ier ^raetores io proitorii, 
though they have nothing to say on this passage. 

Curionem...mittit] Curio*s arrival at Iguvium is placed by M. Stoffel 
on 20 Jan.: Caesar would then hear of his success on the 2ist. 
I diffisiis'] diffido is probably only used with a dative in classical Latin; 
see below on conjisus. 

municipii voluntati] contrast § 3 municipiorum voluntatibus^ cp. note 
on 2 § 5. 

summa omnium voluntate] 'with the enthusiastic goodwill of the 

conJisus...voluntatibus] voluntatibus is probably the ablative, though 
conjido often takes the dative. The distinction at any rate in Caesar is 
that the dative expresses the person in whom one feels confidence, while 
the ablative rather expresses the thing on the ground of which one feels 
confidence, and may be classed among ablatives of "cfficient cause, 
ground, influence" Roby § 1228; cf. B. C. m. 83 §1 Scipio affinitate 
Pompei conjideret. Caesar could not have written Ccusius Jidci magis 
quam virtuti legionum conjidebai B. AI. 61; in B. C. III. 24! i virtute 
should be read. 

praesidiis] Arretium, Fanum, Ancona, Iguvium. The withdrawal of 
these garrisons and their concentration at some pre-arranged place, 
perhaps Ancona itself, would be a work of time. If the order was 
dispatched on the 22nd (cp. note on 12 § i), Antony, who wa&fes^S^Rs^. 

70 DE BELLO CIVILL [lir i. 

off at Arretium, would receive it on the next day, and starting on the 
34th would reach Ancona on or about i Feb. 

Auximum\ now Osimo, ii miles S. of Ancona. The situation is 
almost impregnable, traces of the old walls still exist. 
p, 8» Attius\ P. Attius Varus, one of the ablest of Pompey's officers. 

Picend] a district of Italy l^ring between the Adriatic and the 
Apennines, extending from the river Aesis (Esino) on the north to the 
town of Pinna (Penne) on the south. The inhabitants were called 

Chap. XIII. 

1 decuriones] members of the council of a muncipal town, usually loo 
in number. 

sui iudicit\ * the matter is not one for them to decide', *does not lie 
within their competence' or * discretion * ; cf. 35 § 3 ncque sui iudicii 
neque suarum esse virium decemere: an instance of the genitive as an 
'invariable secondary predicate*, Roby § 1282. The phrase is originally 
derived from the law courts ; cp. Cic. Fin. ii. 36 nihil enim possumus 
iudicare, nisi quod est nostri iudicii. in quo frustra iudices solent^ cum 
sententiam pronuntiant^ addere, si quid mei iudicii est, 

posteritcUisl * the future*. 

2 ex...proJugit'\ cp. ii%2 ex urbe educit et profugit; the ac connects the 
two words rather less closely than et: tr. 'and so', *and thereupon'. 
See Lucan ii. 466: 

Varus, ut admotae pulsarunt Auximon alae, 
per diversa ruens neglecto tnoenia tergo 
qua silvae^ qua saxa, fugit. 

3 ex primo ordine} the first century of the fiist maniple of the first 
cohort, the century (as also the centurion) being frequently called ordo, 
as below § 4. 

4 primi pili centurio\ the triariiy the third line in the old Republican 
army consisting of hastati, principes and triariit were also called pilani 
from having been originally armed with the pilum, for which the kctsta 
was afterwards substituted. In Caesar's time all soldiers carried the 
pilum, Each maniple of the triarii was called pilum^ and the two 
centurions of each maniple were called centurio primi pili prior and 
posterior respectively. They would be men of considerable military 
experience: cp. Gow, Companion, § 17«. It may be observed that 


ihese titles of the centurions were the only relics of the old military 
organisation that were left at the end of the Republic. 

qui...dux€rai] Caesar expresses himself rather obscurely. The 
meaning seems to be thafPupius was an old officer of Pompey's eastem 
army settled in Picenum, who had been allowed his old rank in the new 
hastily raised levies. These levies are not regarded as properly an 
exercitus Pompei; they are only milites Attiani^ a somewhat contemp- 
tuous title. 

Chap. XIV. 

quihus...nuutiatis\ the sequence of events, not clearly marked here 
by Caesar, was as foUows. On the news of Caesar's advance, which 
reached Rome by the lyth, such panic ensued that Pompey and the 
leading members of his party fled in confusion from the city, negiecting 
to secure the money deposited in the treasury ; cp. Cic. Att. vii. 15 § 3 
(written 36 Jan.) sumus enim Jiagitiose imparati cum a militibus tum a 
pecunia quam quidem omttem non modo privatam^ quae in urbe est^ sed 
etiam publicam^ quae in aerario est^ illi (for Caesar) reliquimus : on 8 
Feb. he writes (Att. vil. 21 § 2) VII idus Febr. (7 Feb.) Capuam C, 
Cassius tribunus p/, venit, attulit mandata ad consules, ut Romam 
venirentf pecuniam de sanctiore aerario auferrent^ staiim exirent. It 
appears from Caesar that Lentulus went back for this purpose, opened 
the treasury, and forthwith fled, apparently without taking any money, 
terrified by the report that Caesar was close at hand; cp. Cic. Att. viii. 
3 § 4 (written 19 Feb.) non pecunia omnis et publica et privaia adversario 
traditat Florus II. 13 § 21 says that Caesar on his subsequent entry 
cterarium qucque sanctum quod...iussit effringi...ante rapuit quam 

invasit] for the absolute use KH quote Sall. Cat. 10 ubiconiagio quasi 
pestilentia invasit; a similar use of incedere occurs B. C. iii. loi § 3 
tantus...timor incessit ut etc. 

aerarium] the treasury was in the temple of Satum ; by the sanctius 
aerarium \s meant a special chamber in the treasury in which was 
deposited in the form of bars of gold the revenue from the vicesima 
manumissionum or tax of 5% on the value of every manumilted 

pro/erendam] cf. Cic. p. Rosc. Com. 29 HS 1000 ex arca proferebas, 
The formal word for giving a grant from the treasury was erogare. 

iam iamque] sometimes iam iam is used; with this passage cp. Cic. 
Att. vii. 20 § I (written 15 Feb.) at illum (Caesar) ruere «antiaut et xam 

72 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

iamque adesse. With Caesar supply nuntiabatur from the following 
1 hunc Marcellusl as stated above the consuls left on the i8th, 
Pompey on the i^th. 

3 Apulia] Appian says twice (B. C. ii. 29, 31) that the two legions 
wintered in Capua : possibly they were stationed there first and moved 
to Apulia later on. Cicero no doubt refers to these l^ons in Att. VIL 
12 § 3 ille iter Larinum; ibienim cohortes et Luceriae et Teani reliquaque 
in Apulia, That they were not all in one town is shown by the word 
disposuerat *had distributed*. Sto£fel i. 204. 

4 citrcC\ *on this* (i.e. the Roman) *side of Capua*. 

omnibus videtur^ *it is considered by all* : nihil tutum esse is acc. and 
inf. ; beware of taking nihil as subject of videtur. 

sese colligunf^ like our word *to rally* the phrase se colligere may be 
used in the literal sense * to coUect together*, or in the derived *to coUect 
oneself ' (like our slang phrase *to puU oneself together') ; here it is used 
rather in the latter sense. The subject of the verbs is to be drawn from 
ihe context — Pompey and the consuls etc. 

lege lulid] the lex lulia agraria proposed and carried by Caesar in 
his consulship 59, by which the campus Stellatis and ager Campanus 
were distributed into lots and assigned to 20,000 poor Roman burgesses 
with three or more children; Suet. Caes. 20. Pompey wanted Cicero to 
assist in the levy which was not a very successful one ; cp. Cic. Att. vii. 
\\ % 1 me Pompeius Capuam venire voluit et adiuvare delectum in quo 
parum prolixe respondent Campani coloni; ai § i haec^ Capuae dumfui^ 
cognovi: nihil in consulibus^ nullum usquam delectum; 23 quod quaeris^ 
hic quid agatur, tota Capua et omnis hic delectus iacet, 

gladiatores^ Caesar kept a training school (luiius) for gladiators at 
Capua. Pompey wished to enlist them in his army, but public feeling 
was so strong against the employment of such men in warfare that he 
relinquished the plan. As it was feared that they might rise he dis- 
tributed them for custody among the householders of Capua : Cic. Att 
VII. 14 § 2 gladicUores Caesaris, qui Capuae sunt,,,.sane commode 
Pompeius distribuit binos singulis patribus fcmiiliarum, scutorum in ludo 
100 fuerunt: eruptiottem facturi fuisse dicebantur, Caesar wrote a 
letter to Cicero about them, Att. viii. 2 § i. 
pt 9t atque] *and moreover', connecting into one whole the two clauses 
spe libertatis confrmat and his equos attribuit; then comes another dause 
with perfect tense et se sequi iussit, 

5 conventus Cawpant] *of the burgess-body at Capua': convenius=- 


civium Romanorum in provinciis societas Meusel Lex. s.v, Notice that 
Campanus is the adjective belonging to the noun Capua as well as to 
Campania, But the reading here is doubtful. 

Chap. XV. 

1 progrcssus'] probably on 4 Feb. 

omnem.^percurrit^ this evidently implies more than a march straight 
through Picenum from Auximum to Asculum, and is so far an argument 
in favour of his occupation of Firmum and Truentum; see note on 
16 §1. 

praefecturae'] one of the three classes of Italian towns, the others 
being coloniae and municipia: they were so called because their 
administration was controUed by the praetor urbanus who scnt out 
annually as his representative a praefectus iure dicundo, Most of the 
praefecturae of which there is any record were in Latium and Campania. 
Dr Reid points out that besides these well known communities which 
were few in number there seems to have been another less important but 
more numerous class of prcufecturae which may be roughly described as 
being ofTshoots from colonies (MM iv. 9), and Caesar probably here 
refers to these as well as the others. 

omnibus rebus] * with every necessary ' ; for this and the juxtaposition 
of recipere and iuvare cp. B, G. II. 3 oppidis recipere etfrumento ceteris' 
que rebus iuvare; B. C. III. 29 § 1 Antonium recepit omnibusque rebus 

2 Cinguio'] cp. Cic. Att. vii. 11 § i (written between Jan. lyth and 
32nd) Cingulum nos tenemus^ 13 b § 3 (24 Jan.) quid agat...P. Attius 
Cinguli: hence Attius must have been at Cingulimi before he occupied 
Auximum, cp. 12 § 3. The town (now Cingoli) is in N. Picenum about 
15 miles S.W. of Auximum. 

Labienus"] Caesar's able and trusted officer who deserted to Pompey 
towards the end of January. 

constituerat] probably * settled * not * founded *. Labienus may have 
scttled some of the Pompeian veterans there. 

veniunt] with Cingulo abi. of place whcnce; cp. above Auximo 

cupidissime] *with the utmost devotion*: cupidus^ cupiditas are 
sometimes used of party spirit or devotion to a party ; cp. Holden on 
Cic. Planc. 43, Phil. II. 52 quid cupide a sencUu^ quid temcre^ fiebat. 

3 legio XII] this was one of the legions under Fabius statvwNsA. "asssss^ 

74 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. l 

the Aedui, perhaps at Matisco (Macon). Stoffel reckons that it would 
take it 35 days to march from Micon to where it overtook (consequitur) 
Caesar between Auximmn and Asculum, a distance of about 620 miles. 
Hence he concludes that the courier summoning the l^on must have 
been sent from Ravenna as early as 21 Dec. 

prqficiscitur] Caesar probably marched by Firmum (Fermo) a few 
miles from the coast, and Truentum a town at the mouth of the Truen- 
tus (Tronto). See on 16 § i. 

Asculuml Ascoli on the Tronto, destroyed in the social war 91. 
LS are wrong in referring to Florus i. 18 § 9, as the town there spoken 
of is Asculum or Auscuhim in Apulia where there was a battle between 
Pyrrhus and the Romans. 

Spinthcrl P. Comelius Lentulus Spinther, aedile 63 (Sall. Cat. 47), 
consul 57. He was a firm friend and supporter of Cicero. 

X cohoriibusl this expression is used in preference to the more 
obvious una legione no doubt because these cohorts were contingents 
from different legions, or recently levied at different times and places 
and not yet incorporated into one homogeneous body: cp. 6. G. 
V. 9. 

adventu] Stoffel makes it appear probable that adventus here signi- 
fies *approach* rather than 'arrival*, as Lentulus seems to have left 
Asculum on the ^th while Caesar did not reach it till the 8th. The 
addition too of cognito rather supports this view ; and see ijiote on 16 

§ 2, 30 § 5- 

Rufutn\ L. Vibullius Rufus, a Pompeian but highly respected by 
Caesar into whose hands he twice fell, once at Corfinium 34 § i, and 
again in Spain iii. 10 § i and i. 86 § 3. 

hominum'] *the people there', *the inhabitants ' : cp. 5 § 5. 

Camerino'] a town in the Umbrian Apennines, now Camerino, 
situated on the road to Ancona. 

Lucilium Hirruvi\ one of the tribunes of 53. 

excipit] *takes up', picks up' : cp. B. G. vii. 28 quos ille..,ex fuga 

XIII\ Pompey in a letter to Cicero of 10 Feb. (or, according to 
M. Stoffel, the 11 th) says is (Q. Fabius) nuniiat Z. Domiiium cum suis 
cohortiims XII et cum cohortibus XIV^ quas Vibullius adduxit, ad me 
iier habere ;...C. Hirrum cum V cohortibus subsequi: thus making the 
total of Vibullius' and Hirrus* forces 19 cohorts, whereas Caesar makes 
the number 13. Caesar does not say how many cohorts Vibullius 
recejved from Lentulus nor how many he got together from the levies 


(quas potest contrahit), It is possible that there may be some corruption 
in the Mss, and if there is not, the discrepancy need not surprise us 
niuch, considering the difficulty of communication in those days and the 
absence of official documents. 

6 Domitium Ahenobarbum\ cp. note on 6 § 5. According to Appian 
II* Z% 38 he brottght with him to Corfinium in January a force of 4000 
men which he had apparently raised with a view to his govemorship of 
Gaul, to which he had been appointed as Caesar's successor. This force 
was divided into la cohorts, see note on 17 § 2. 

Corfinium\ this important stronghold was situated in the country of 
the Paeligni on the site of the modem town of Pentima, in a plain about 
iioo feet above the sea-level, surrounded by lofty mountains. It was on 
the via Valeria, and the river Aternus (Aterno or Pescara) flowed to the 
north of it. A few miles south was Sulmo (Solmona), the birthplace of 

magnis itineribus\ *forced marches*. Vegetius, de re militari, seems 
to reckon 33 miles a good day's march. The distance from Asculum 
to Corfiniiim is 165 kilometres which, assuming that the march occupied 
four days (StofTel i. 220), would give about 25) miles a day. They 
probably reached Corfinium 8 Feb. 

7 Alb<i[ now Albe, a town of the Marsi, about 20 miles westward of 
Corfinium. The abl. (unless we read the locative Albde) must be 
taken with coegerat * had collected (and brought) from Alba ' ; then the 
words ex Marsis et Paelignis state of what tribes the troops consisted ; 
to this is fiirther added finitimis ab regionibus expressing the neigh- 
bourhood from which they were drawn, * from the neighbouring parts \ 
The sentence is rather awkwardly worded, but it does not improve it 
to alter exio et ^ KH and Doberenz do. 

Chap. XVI. 

I recepto Firmo'] cp. Cic. Att. viii. 12 B § 1 (Pompey to Domitius) 
nam illa causa^ quam mihi Vibullius scribit, levis esty te propterea mo- 
ratum esse, quod audieris Caesarem Firmo progressum in Castrum 
Truentinum venisse. Taking these two passages together I do not see 
how one can doubt that Caesar did, whether in person or not, occupy 
Firmum and Truentum on his way to Asculum. KH object to reading 
Firmo here for three reasons, but (i) the alleged divergence between 
this statement and the general tenor of 15 §§ i, 2 (see my note) must 
not be pressed too much considering the undo\.\bt«d \»s»\»ssK.«5k <:^.\\a^je. 

76 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i 

and discrepancy to be met with in Caesar's narrative; probably the 
resistance offered at Firmum was slight and easily overcome : (ii) if 
Firmo be read, expulso Lentulo need not necessarily mean * driven from 
Firmum*; why should it not mean *driven from the country* i.e. from 
Picenum, the district with which the greater part of the last chapter is 
concemed ? (iii) ibi need not refer back to Firmo, Surely as Caesar has 
last spoken of Lentulus, ibi might very naturally refer to the place 
where L«ntulus was, i.e. Asculum. KH suppose that Caesar wrote 
oppidOf which occurs in the margin of one MS, and that the copyist, 
remembering the passage in Cicero's letters, altered it to Firmo, But 
such erudition does not accord with what we know of the ways of 
copyists. It is far more probable that the copyist of this MS knowing 
that Lentulus was at Asculum altered Firmo to oppido, The Aldine 
edition has Asculo, Cp. Lucan ii. 468 depellitur arce Leniulus Asculea, 

Corjinium contendii\ M. Stoffel asserts that the route taken by 
Caesar and by Vibullius lay through Teramo, Penne, Torre dei Passeri, 
Bussi, and Popoli. He supposes Caesar to have left Asculum on 
10 Feb. and to have arrived at Corhnium on 15 Feb., a date which is 
supported by other considerations. 
3 eo cum venifsetJi not to be taken too literally, for Caesar was, as he 
says himself, three miles from the place: cp. note on adventu 15 § 3. 

Jluminis'] the Atemus (Atemo, which between the town of Popoli 
and the sea is called the Pescara). Caesar coming from the north 
would cross it by the modera town of Popoli which is just three miles 
from the site of Corfinium. 

interrumpebattt'] *began*, or *tried, to break down*. 
P« 10« 4 casira posuit] on the £. side of the town. 


I ad Pompeium] Pompey was at this time at Luceria ; cp. Cic. Att. 
VIII. § 1 (15 Feb.) where he says Pompey has just written to him and 
urged him to go to Luceria where he will be safer than anywhere else : 
and in Att viii. 6 we read that the praetor Sosius brings a copy of 
a letter from Pompey to the consuls announcing the receipt on the i^th 
of a letter from Domitius ; this must be the dispatch spoken of in the 
text, no doubt sent by Domitius on the i^th the date of Caesar*s arrival 
before Corfinium. In the next letter (AtL Vlll. 7) Cicero says «'Only 
one discreditable act remains for our friend Pompey, and that is to 
refase to succour Domitius. But you say *no one doubts but that he 

CAPP. XVI. xvii.] NOTES, 77 

will succour him\ I do not think so...If I am not mistaken, he will 
leave him in the lurch **. The result proved that Cicero*s forecast was 

peritos regionum\ the ordinary route from Corfinium to Apulia by 
way of Sulmo was probably beset by Caesar*s troops, and it was therefore 
necessary to iind messengers well acquainted with the mountain paths 
and to stimulate them by the promise of large rewards. 

qui petant atque orenf] *to convey urgent entreaties'; the second 
verb supplements and intensifies the first, cp. B. C. vi. 9 peiunt atque 
orant ut sibiparcat: so too orare atque obsecrare oflen occurs. 

locorum angustiis\ the plain of Corfinium was alniost encircled by 
mountains, and there were apparently only three approaches to it, 
the via Minucia on the South by Sulmo, the via Valeria on the West, 
and the road to Amitemum and Reatc on the North-west passing through 
the gorge made by the river at Popoli, by which Caesar himself entered 
the plain. 
a quod nisi fecerit"] fecerit is the perfect subjunctive, representing the 
future perfect in direct narration. 

amplius XXX\ 32 cohorts composed as follows: 13 brought by 
Vibullius 15 § 5, 19 belonging to Domitius himself (cum suis cohortibus 
XIIj Cic Att. VIII. II A quoted in note on 15 § 5, cp. Att. viii. la A 
%i et suas XII cohortes)^ and 7 of the 20 raised at Alba and other places 
15 § 7 (the remaining 13 of the 20 being stationed 6 at Alba and 7 
at Sulmo) : thus making a total of 13 + 12 + 7 = 32. Stoffel i. 226. 

3 tormenta] a general term for machines such as catapultae and baJlistae 
adapted for hurling arrows and stones. 

partes] not to be taken in its local sense of *parts* or *places' (*pos- 
ten', *p1atz', Doberenz), but in its derived sense of an allotted portion 
or share of duty, cp. III. 51 § 4 aliae enim sunt legati partes atque 
imperatoris; so too Meusel Lex. s. v. takes it. 

4 contione] this term is frequently applied to an harangue delivered by 
an oflficer to his men. 

ex suis possessiambus] ^ihls enormous offer of lands gives an idea of 
the immense possessions of a Roman noble, and the reasons which made 
an Agrarian law so offensive to them. Domitius had received large 
grants from SuIIa out of his wholesale confiscations' (Moberley) : cp. 
Dion XLI. 1 1 ru)v re yiip Zi/XXeloir iyeyovei ( Ao/i/rtos) irat ToXX'i)y {xihpcLv) 
in TTji Swaardas iKetvrjs eKiicnfTO. 

iugera] the iugerum was a little less than f ths of an acre. 

pro rcUa parte] * proportionately *. As a ce,ivt>ix\a\SL \«:«c^^ ^sa^S^ 

78 DE BELLO CIVILL [ltb. i. 

the pay of a common soldier (4 obols instead of 2), he probably expected 
also double the reward (8 iugera instead of 4). In the corrapt passage 
B. G. VIII. 4, ducenos sesiertiosy centurionibus tot milia nummutn^ I have 
sug^ested centurionibus bis totidem nummos, The above scale of pay 
was doubled by Caesar, but at what date is uncertain ; Suet. Caes. 26. 
[In Livy the distribution of money at a triumph is almost always — so 
much for the common soldier — double for the centurio — triple for the 
eques, On the foundation of the Latin colony of Aquileia tria millia 
peditum quinquagena iugera, centuriones centena^ centena quadragena 
(al. quinquagena) equiies acceperant^ Livy XL. 34. At Bononia 
(xxxvii. 57) equiies 70 iugera^ all the rest 50; so at Vibo (xxxv. 40) 
pedites 15 iugera, equiies all 30. In the burgess colonies the division 
seems to have been uniform. j. s. R.] 

evocaiisque'] these were legionaries who had served their time and 
were called out again ; cp. 3, § 3. 

Chap. XVIII. 

I quod oppiduni] referring to Sulmo which, though not expressed, may 
be r^arded as inherent in the name Sulmonenses *inhabitants of Sulmo*. 
KH quote iii. 80 § i, Gomphiy quod est oppidum^ etc. cp. Reid on Cic. 
Acad. II. 103. 

eafacere quae tfellet'] this phrase probably denoting *submission * does 
not occur elsewhere in Caesar, but is found in B. Af. 7 legati...libenter 
se omnia faciuros quae vellet pollicentur, But perhaps it simply means 
*do what he wished', *carry out his desires*. A frequent expression 
in the sense of submission is imperata facere or something simiiar, cp. 
above 15 § a quae imperaverit (^shall have ordered*) se cupidissime 
facturos pollicentur ; for the tense oivellet ('should wish*) cp. B. G. VI i. 
90, legati...quae imperaret (*should order*) se faciuros pollicentur. 
Q. Lucretio'] mentioned in Cic. Att. vii. 24, 25. 
yiitio'] to be distinguished from P. Attius Varus 13 § 3 etc 
a portas aperueruni] cp. Cic. Att. viii. 4 § 3 Sulmone C, Aiium 
Pelignum aperuisse Anionio portas^ cum essent cohortes quinque (Caesar 
says septem)y Q, Lucretium inde effugisse scis^ Gnaeum ire Brundisium, 
+ Domitium deserium + ? confecia res est, 
3 se deiecerunt] with the object of escaping, not of committing suicide. 
mitieretur'] notice imperfect subj. after the historic preseDt petit, 
cohoriibus] the 7 cohorts recently under the command of Lucretius 
and Attius. 


eodem die] probably the i6th. 

4 operibus\ siege-works. 

5 eo triduo"] 'within three days', i.e. on the third day of the siege, 17 
Feb. cp. eo biduo, 41 § i. 

legio F///] this, as well as the Xllth, had been under the command 
of Fabius among the Aedui; see note on 15 § 3. Fabius had recently 
had 4 l^ons under his command (B. G. Vlil. 54); he would now have 
only two after the departure of the Xlith and viiith, but in 37 § i he is 
said to have 3, hence it is supposed that Trebonius who had 4 more 
in Belgic Gaul was ordered to transfer one of his to Fabius, and this 
supposition is supported by 36 § 4. 

Galliae'] Gallia Cisalpina, where Caesar had spent the winter. In 
addition to these 12 cohorts, he had the 7 cohorts which had formed the 
garrison of Suhno, and a few others (perhaps 7) which he had picked up 
on his march from the scattered garrisons of Auximum and Asculum, 
thus making a total of 36. These 36 cohorts were probably now 
organised into three legions, which with the previous three veteran 
Iqrions, viz. the viiith, xiith, xiiith, made up an effective force of six 
legions, to which may be added a body of cavalry. M. Stoffel 
reckons his whole force to have consisted of 22,000 infantry and 1000 

rege Norieo"] Noricum was the country between the Danube and the 
Alps, with chief town Noreia now Neumarkt in Carinthia. The Nori- 
cans were perhaps grateful to Caesar for having relieved them from the 
pressure of their enemies by his defeat of the Boii and their allies the 
Helvetii in 58, B. G. I. 5. One of Ariovistus* wives was the sister of 
the Noric king Voccio, whetlier the same king that is mentioned here or 
not, is uncertain : B. G. I. 53. 

aUera easfra'] on the S. W. of the town, commanding the via Valeria 
and the gorge of Raiano. 
P» 11« 6 vai/o easiellisque'\ *with a line of earthworks and redoubts*: 
eastella were, as their name implies, 'little camps' or fortified enclosures, 
placed at intervals along the line of circumvallation and capable of ac- 
commodating small bodies of troops. In the siege of Alesia Caesar 
constructed 23 castella, and at Dyrrachium Pompey had 24. From 
carefiil researches conducted on the spot M. Stoffel believes that Caesar*s 
line of investment formed a circuit of 5 miles. 

circummunire] 1 prefer this to the reading of the MSS eircu/wenire, 
notwithstanding the instances of the latter in Sallust Tng. 68, 76. In B. C. 
III. 97 the weight of ms authority is in favour of circummumYe, 

8o DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

eodem fere tempore'] this would be on the i^th, Pompey having 
received Domitius' letter on the i yth. 

Chap. XIX. 

I litteris] fortunately this very letter written at Luceria 17 Feb. is 
preserved for us in Cic. Att. viii. 12 D. The tenor of it is — *What I 
expected has happened. Caesar avoids a pitched battle, and has shut 
you up to prevent my wavering legions from being strengthened by the 
accession of your loyal troops. I must not risk the fortunes of the state 
by engaging Caesar, nor have I all my reinforcements. Get free and join 
me if you can*. Previous letters had passed between the two generals. 
Pompey wrote 11 Feb., expressing his surprise that Domitius had 
abandoned his original intention of joining him, and urging him to do so 
at once: on 16 Feb. he writes again acknowledging two letters from 
Domitius, both probably written on the i^th, in the first of which 
Domitius had said that he was keeping an eye on Caesar*s movements 
and would join Pompey as soon as he could; in the second he urges 
Pompey to come to him at once, which Pompey says he dare not do 
with his untrustworthy forces. 

constlid\ 'council of war* : consilium may mean 'council* as well as 
'counsel', but concilium only *council'. 

parent] supply ut from the preceding ne, 
1 arcano] a rare word, only here in Caesar. 

oratione] 'his words', *his way of talking*. 

comuesset] the indicative would be more usual; the subjunctive 
marks a kind of oratio obliqua, the fact being put as viewed by the men 
in the camp. 

multumque...fugere£\ this clause, connected with the preceding by que^ 
is itself divided into two parts multum...colloqueretur and concilia... 
fugeret which are not connected by a copula : translate the latter * while 
avoiding councils' etc. 

3 neque suo consilio] so Cicero says Att. viii. la § 6 omnino culpam 
omnem Pompeius in Domitium confert, 

4 fuisset] * should have offered itself *. 

oppidt] there is no need to alter the position of this word: *by the 
blockade and by the investment of the town\ 

fedat] * it was being brought about' ; not quite the same ^factum est, 
There is some trace of carelessness in this use di fieri zx\A febat in the 
same sentence. 


Chap. XX. 

I qut erant Corfinii\ this may be added to distinguish them from the 
troops at Alba Fucentia (15 § 7) supposing that to be the place referred 
to in 34 § 3 where see note. 

primo vesper%\ *in the early evening': in II. 43 § i the mss have 
prirno vespere where vesperi should doubtless be read. Livy hasprima 
vespera, The reading of 3 MSS prima vesperi is extremely unlikely, both 
because an ellipse of hora is very unusual, and because it would be too 
precise a note of time for the circumstances. 

tribunos militum'] there were 6 tribuni mUitum attached to a legion, 
each holding the chief command of it in his tum. 

centurionesque^ there were two centurions to each maniple and there- 
fore 60 in a legion. 

honestissimos sui generis'\ the most respectable of their own class, i.e. 
of the rank and file as opposed to the ofHcers. 
a cuius spe atque fiducia] cuius is the objective genitive of the person 
which would be harsh after spe alone, but is rendered less so by the 
addition of fiducia; the whole phrase may be translated *in hopeful 
reliance on whom they had held out*. iXiris may be similarly followed 
by an objective genitive of the person, cp. Herod. vi. 11 oiudefdav ifxiuy 
ix^ ^^ffida fi^ 06 duxreiy ifiias diKTjp. 

proiectis] * cast aside ', * abandone<l ' : cp. il. 3« § 8 nonne extremam 
pati fortunam paratos proiecit illef (Domitius); i. 30 § 5 queritur in 
contione se proiectum ac proditum a Cn, Fompeio; Cic. Att. iv. 5 § i 
noram inductus relictus proiectus ab eis. 

3 Marst\ the troops levied from Alba and other Marsic towns; the 
Marsi were a brave and warUke people who had fought vigorously 
against Rome in the Social War. 

quae.,.videretur\ 'such part as seemed'; consecutive subjunctive, 
Roby § 1680 foll. This part was probably on the north-east of the town 
where a deep ravine ran beneath the walls. Stoffel i. 242. 

4 eos\ the Marsi and the rest. 

postpauld\ so B. G. vii. 60, hsApaulo post B. C. i. 26 § 5. 
quae...cognoscunt\ *they leam the events of which they were ignorant, 
namely about the (intended) fiight of Domitius': the words defuga must 
not be taken too closely with ignorabant, 
P* 12* 5 quae imperaverit] cp. note on 18 § i» 

BEL. CIV. L ^ 

82 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

Chap. XXI. 

I inagni\ a genitive of value, perhaps originally a locative; see also 
note on interesse 24 § 5. 

oppido potiri\ the ablative is usual with potiri in Caesar, with the 
doubtful exception of B. G. i. 3, where the genitive is found, and 
of II. 7 potiundi oppidi^ iii. 6 potiundorum oppidorum, where the form 
of the phrase implies an accusative. 

qud\ nominative agreeing with commutatio. 

momentis] this metaphor from the dipping of a scale is frequent, 
cp. III. 68 § I sed /ortuna, quae plurimum potest cum in reliquis 
rehus tum praecipue in bello^ parvis momentis magnas rerum commuta- 
tiones efficit. 

intercederent] the idea conveyed by the word is that of an event 
'interposing' itself in the ordinary course of affairs. The mood is due 
to the fact that Caesar's thought is here expressed; 'because, as he 
reflected, great crises often occurred from a slight disturbance of 

3 perpetuis^ *with an unbroken line of sentries and outposts*. 
cmnem munitionem'] *the whole line of investment*. 

4 /Tio^r/i^j] 'cavalry officers*. 

caveanf] jussive subjunctive after hortatur: there is no need to 
supply ut, 

5 qui...conquieverit\ qui=ut isy and therefore this sentence gives an 
instance of the perfect in a consecutive clause following a perfect in the 
main clause; though Draeger H. S. i. § 133 says that there are no 
instances of this in the B. C. He quotes 5 from the B. G., as 
e.g. II. 11 temporis tanta fuit exiguitas.,,ut ad galeeu induendas tempus 

6 suvtmae rcrum\ *the ultimate issue*, *the crisis of their fortunes*: 
cp. II. 30 § I, III. 51 § 4, B. Al. 16. 

expectatuf] ahnost 'anxiety about'; cp. III. 19 § 4 magnaque eral 
expectatio eius rei, 

mente atque animo\ a stereotyped phrase in which all distinction 
between the two words is lost sight of, as in our expression 'with all 
one's heart and soul*. Properly speaking the mens is the intellectual 
part of the animus: cp. B. G. Iii. 19, vi. 5, and often in Cicero and 
fu/i/...aircidfret„,exciperent\ *(in suspense as to) what was happening 


to' etc. ; almost in the sense of * what should happen to\ It is a kind 
of dubitative subjunctive, cp. Livy II. 55 incerti quatenus Volero txerceret 
victoriam; Draeger I. § 140 b. 

reliquis\ Caesar may be thinking of VibuUius Rufus and Lucilius 

quosque] not quemque 'each individual*, but plural 'each party', as 
the townspeople, the beleaguered troops, the besieging force. 

Chap. XXII. 

1 quarta vigilia^ the night from sunset to sunrise was divided into 4 
watches of equal length; at this time of the year (ai Feb., corresponding 
probably to some late date in December by the corrected calendar) each 
watch would be from 3 to 4 hours in length, so that the time indicated 
would be approximately 4 to 8 a.m. 

circiter] probably always an adverb in Caesar ; in B. G. I. 50 meridie 
might easily be read, in v. 49 media nocte is better attested than the 

a deducatur\ the subjunctive after prius quam serves to denote the 
purpose of the act, while the indicative would merely mark the sequence 
of events. The soldiers took care not to leave Lentulus till they saw 
him safe in the presence of Caesar. 

3 ^^ supplied by Bentley; for the whole phrase cp. B. G. i. 31 § i 
petieruntque uti sibi secreto de sua omniumque salute cum eo agere liceret; 
B. C. I. 74 § 6. 

orat cUque odsecrat] cp. note on 1 7 § i quipetent atque orent, 

)• 1 3« 4 collegium pontiJicum\ the pontijices, 1 5 in number (since 8 1 B. c), 
formed a collegium or corporate body. The method of fiUing a vacancy 
at this period was for the coU^e to nominate two persons, one of whom 
was then elected at an informal meeting of a minority (17 tribes) of the 
comitia tributa, P. Lentulus Spinther was pontifex 57 — 54. Nothing 
seems to be known aboat Caesar's support of his candidature. 

venerat\ the statements are the writer*s own and are not put into 
the mouth of Lentulus, in which case we should have had venissct^ 
habuisset, esset, 

ex praeturd] Lentulns was praetor urhanus in 60 and in 59 was 
govemor of Hispania citerior. Caesar, who had previously held 
the province, no doubt had some influence in the appointment of his 
•successor, as he was then one of the most powerful men in the state. 
According to Cicero the consols of 59» Piso «lA Cav&i\s\\»&> ^Xsrpm^ 

84 DE BELLO CIVILL [ub. i. 

their provincial govemors|;iips by the work they did for Caesar, cp. 
Fam. I. 9 § 13 non cmsuUs sed mercaiores pravinciarum^ p. Sest. 55, 
de domo 33. 

consuiatus] he was consul in 57 with Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos. 

5 proznncta] Gallia cisalpina. 

in ea re] ' in that matter \ * on that occasion ' ; but possibly iniuria 
'wrongfully* should be read; cp. the adverbial ablatives iure *right- 
fully', ratione 'rationally* etc. 

suam dignitatem] Hheir rightful position of dignity*. 

in libertatem vindicarei\ *claim for freedom*, 'assert the freedom 
of '; a legal phrase: cp. the Greek &if>cKi<rdai els iXevOeplav, 

6 ^uod} *the fact that', Svhereas*, adverbial accusative, not the object 
ol impetraverit which is here used absolutely *gained his request*. 

ad suam spem\ *for (the attainment of) their hopes*: suus when 
before its noun is more emphatic than when placed after it, as in the 
last clause suxi saJutey and in the next suae vitae. 

adeo esse perterritos] *are so frightened that they are (being) forced*; 
notice that if esse perterritos had meant *were so frightened*, it would 
have been followed by cogerentur : perterritus here, as often, is a mere 

suae.,.consulere'\ *to adopt harsh measures against their own life', 
i.e. to commit suicide. 

cogantur] there is no need to alter this to conentur: for cogi denoting 
what one may call the compulsion of sentiment cp. Verg. Aen. iv. 413 
ire iterum in lacj-imaSf iterum temptare precando \ cogitur, The word 
is often thus u?ed by Propertius, as in iii. 9. 12 cogor et exemplis U 
superare tuis where some editors needlessly read conor, 


1 ubi luxit] probably about 7 a.m. on the 2ist Feb. If we suppose 
Leptulus to have first opened communications with the Roman guards 
(see note on 22 § i) about 5 a.m., this would give time for his visit to 
the Roman lines before it grew light, which, as the days were now at 
their shortest, would not be much before 7. 

2 L, Caecilius Rufus\ half brother of P. Comelius Sulla, consul 65, 
a nephew of the Dictator. Some would read here Z. Vibullius Rufus^ 
for whom see 15 § 4. 

Sex. QuintUius Vdrus] cp. II. 28 § i : to be distinguished from the 
iike-nnmed praetOT of $7; Lange lll' 309. 


Z. Rubrius\ nothing certain is known of this senator. ''Some 
identify him with L. Rubrius Dossennus whose name appears on some 
well-known coins." J. s. R. 

filius Domitii\ Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul in 32 : cp. Cic. 
Phil. II. «7. 

dicurionum] see note on 13 § i. 

3 prohibei'] 'protects*, cp. B. G. V. «i Trinobantibus defensis atque ab 
omni milUum iniuria prohibitis, 

quod\ to be taken in connexion with pauca (KH); *a few remarks, 
as that they had not made a retum' etc. Has queritur fallen out 
between loquitur and quod? 

a parte eorum] *on their part': ab does not here denote the agent 
('by') but the direction or quarter from which something comes; cp. 
Cic. Att. IX. 7 § 4 cum eadem metuam ab hac parte, 

4 HS LX} approximately ;f 50,000, if I/S LX stands for sestertium 
sexagieSy and not for sestertia sexaginta (;f 500). 

advexerat"] advehere is not used elsewhere by Caesar. 

Ilviris] the four chief magistrates of a municipium were called 
IVviri; they were subdivided into two Ilviri (or IVvirt) iure dicundo 
and two Ilviri aedileSy of whom the former were the more important. 
Some read IVviris here, which may be right. 

reddit'] but it was reported by the Pompeians that Caesar retained 
the money; Cic. Att. viii. 14^3 cuidit {Lepidus) illud sane molestum, 
pecuniam Domitio satis grandem^ quam is Corfinii habuerit^ non esse 
redditam, (KH.) 

publicam esse\ *belonged to the state*. 

5 sacramentum,..dicere\ cp. 86 § 4, II. 28 § 2; sometimes scuramenio 
dicere is used. 

iustum iter] *an ordinary day's march'. Col. StofTel suggests that 
Caesar marched eastward, skirting the Pescara, and hahed the first night 
at Interbromium (S. Valentino) a distance of about 16 miles. 

Vllomnino] *seven in all', Feb. i^th to 2ist inclusive. 

Marrucinorum] a tribe bordering on the sea, situated roughly 
speaking between the Aternus (Pescara) and the towns of Ortona and 

Frentanorum] next below the Mamicini, extending southward to 
Termoli and the river Bifemo. 

Larinaiium] next to the Frentani, from the Tifemus (Bifemo) to the 
Frento (Fortore) the northem boundary of Apulia. So far Caesar's 
route had lain. accordin^ to Stoffel, through Anxanum (lAxvc.vaxsscJ^ -«n.^ 

S6 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

Histoniam (Vasto, on the Adriatic coast) to Teanum in Apulia on the 
soath bank of the Frento. From thence he would probably go by 
Arpi (Cic. Att. ix. 3 § 2), Canusitnn, Barium (Bari), Egnatia (near 
Monopoli), and so to Brundisium. I dare not foUow General Goler in 
giving the exact stage for each day, or in stating at what part of the 
joumey the troops were halted for a day's rest ! 

Chap. XXIV. 

p« 14» I Luceria^ Pompey was at Canusium on the loth (Cic. Att. viii. 
II § 4) and probably left Luceria (now Lucera) on the i8th, after 
receiving Domitius* letter on the i7th (Cic. Att. viii. 6 § 2, 12 D § i) 
announcing the investment of Coriinium. It is not therefore strictly 
correct to say that Pompey left Luceria * on learning of these events 
which had happened at Corfinium \ for when he left he could not have 
had news of more than the Hrst two days at most of the siege. 

Canusium'] Canosa just S. of the Aufidus (Ofante). Pompey lefl 
Canusium on the 2ist ; cp. Cic. Att. viii. 14 § i, ix. i § i. 

Brundisium] the well-known Brindisi, then, as now, a great port of 
embarkation. Pompey arrived there 25 Feb., cp. Cic. Att. ix. 10 § 8 
K, Mart,^ cum ilU quintum iam diem Brundisii esset, 
1 copias\ Pompey now organises his new levies. It will be remem- 
bered that the only regular troops he had with him were the two 
legions taken from Caesar : of these, 14 cohorts had been in camp at 
Luceria, two had been sent on to Brundisium under Metellus Scipio, 
and the remaining four were at Canusium : cp. Cic. Att. viii. 3 § 7, 
I2A § 2, 12C g 2. 
3 L. Afanlius'] sumamed Torquatus, one of the praetors of 49. 

Alba'\ the Marsic Alba Fucentia (15 § 7). It seems strange that 
Caesar should have advanced from Corfinium leaving a hostile garrison 
of six cohorts behind him. Moberley takes this to be the Alba in 
Latium, but " Alba in Latium was no place at this time; had the site 
of old Alba been meant Caesar would have written ex monte Albano or 
something of the sort." J. s. R. 

Rutilius Lupus] Cic. Att. ix. i § 2 (written 6 March) urbem quidem 
iam refertam esse optimatium audio; Sosium et Lupum^ quos Gnaeus 
fioster ante putabat Brundisium venturos esse quam se, ius dicere, 
Later on Lupus was holding Achaia for Pompey B. C. lii. 56. 

TarrcKina] Terracina, formerly called Anxur, in Latium on the 
ccmst between cape Circello and Gaeta. 

CAPP. XXIII. — ^xxv.] NOTES. 87 

trans/erutUl cp. 74 § 3 <f^ statim signa iranslaturos confirmant and 
60 § 4 transit etiam cohors Iliurgavonensis cui eum cognito civitatis 
consilio et signa ex statione transfert where transire and signa transferre 
occur together as in the present passage. Cicero Att. ix. 6 § i says he 
has heard sex cohortes^ quae Albae fuissent^ ad Curium via Minucia 
transisse, Stoffel thinks the junction may have taken place near Arpi, 
the ruins of which are close to the modem town of Foggia. Caesar 
was at Arpi on i March, Cic. Att. ix. 3 § 3. 

4 reliquis itineribus'\ 'during the remaining stages *. 

agmen^l the main body of troops on the march ; they would probably 
be preceded by the cavalry. 

Cremonal *of Cremona', ablative of origin; cp. ili. 71 C Flegi- 
natem Placgntia^ A, Granium Puteolis^ M, Sacrativirum Capua: with 
this one may compare the common use of the ablative to denote the 
tribe to which a persou belongs as Q, Verres Ronnlia *of the tribe 
Romilia \ 

praefsctus fabrum] *chief engineer officer'. An army in the field 
was always accompanied by an organised corps of engineers, fabri^ 
furnished with all the necessary appliances for siege operations, bridge 
building etc. Caesar mentions his arrest and dismissal of Magius iu a 
letter to Oppius, Cic. Att. ix. 7 c § 2. 

5 interesse rei pub/icae] the genitive after interesse is probably depen- 
dent on a neuter noun understood, * it is among (the advantages) of the 
state ', i.e. ' it is one of the interests of the state '. So too it is suggested 
that in such phrases as mea interesty the word mea is not, as it is usually 
taken to be, a feminine ablative singular, but a neuter accusative plural, 
so that the meaning is *it is among my interests', inter tnea est. 
Schmalz Lat. Synt. § 78. 

6 coram'] * face to face * ; not used by Caesar as a preposition. 

Chap. XXV. 

I legionibus F/] see note on 18 § 5- 

pervenitl cp. Cic. Att. ix. 13 A § i, Balbus sends Cicero a copy of a 
letter from Caesar to Oppius in which he says a, d, vii idus Martias 
Brundisium veni^ ad murum castra posui, Pompeius est Brundisii: 
misit ad me N, Magium de pace ; quae visa sunt respondi, This fixes 
the date of Caesar's arrival at Brundisium to 9 March. 
compleverat] * had raised to their iuU complement '. 
a Siciiiam'] Sicily was at this time held by Cato, Cic. Att. X. la A § 9, 

88 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

i6 § 3 ; Plut. Porap. 6i, Cato 53 ; Appian B. C. ii. 40. On the 
arrival of the 10 (?) Domitian cohorts under the command of Asinius 
Pollio, Cato left the island and repaired to Pompey at Dyrrachium. It 
is noticeable that Pompey had intended sending these cohorts to Sicily 
whither they were now dispatched by his rival Caesar, Cic. Att. viii. 
12 A § 3. Stoffel (i. 304) on inadequate grounds considers this clause a 
late interpolation ; see note on 30 § 2. 

Dyrrackium'] now Durazzo, a seaport in Albania, the ancient 
Epidamnus ; it was the usual port of embarkation on the east of the 
Adriatic corresponding to Brundisium on the west. The consuls took 
30 cohorts across with them (Plut. Pomp. 62), so that Pompey's whole 
force amounted to 50 cohorts, or about 25,000 men. Cicero Att ix. 6 
§ 3 reckons the total at 30,000 which may include auxiliary troops and 

3 extremis^ 'furthest*, i.e. from Rome, Brundisium being situated in 
the heel of the peninsula ; it should probably be repeated with regionibus 
*the most outlying districts of Greece', cp. B. Af. 77 
extrema eius regni regione maritima locati, The ablative could not 
stand here without a preposition, so Paul inserts ab\ ex has been 
suggested but would sound badly. Pompey, by occupying Brundisium 
and Dyrrachium.would practically command the whole of the Adriatic 
from {ab) these two extreme points. Dr Reid thinks extremis is corrupt 
and may have arisen from ex maritimis^ which would make better sense. 

an inopia] this was the real reason, cp. Dion XLi. 12 ireiSii yap tcl 
irXoia ovK i^ripKca^ <r^i<rt, vpo^Trefi^iv dWom re xal rovs i^irarovs, /iti) koI 
v€0XM'^(>>(^f' Ti Kara xwpay virofietvavTes, 

4 administrationes"] * the working of the harbour * (Moberley). 

5 fauces'\ just off Brundisium the sea flows in between the lines of shore 
that slowly converge till a channel of 350 yards minimum width is 
formed ; the banks then recede again on either hand, the sea spreading 
into two diverging streams, enclosing between them a projecting spur of 
the mainland, on the extremity of which is situated Brundisium, exactly 
opposite the above-mentioned channeL 

fnoles atque aggereml * piers and a dam *. Cicero (Att. IX. 14 § i) 
gives the foUowing extract from a letter written by Caesar to Q. Pedius, 
received 14 March; Pompeius se oppido tenet ; nos ad portas castra 
habemus, conamur opus magnum et multorum dierum propter cUtitudinem 
maris, sed tamen nihU est quod potius faciamus : ab utroque portus comu 
moles iacimus ut aut illum quam primum traicere, quod habet Brundisii 
copiarum, cogamus aut exitu prohibeamus ; cp. IX. 12 § i. CoL Stoffel, 


under whose superintenflence the place has been thoroughly examined, 
states that each mole or pier was about 75 yards long. This would leave 
a channel of 200 yards which would be further lessened by the rafts. 
P« 15* 6 alHore €iqud\ ablative of attendant circumstances. 

coniineri\ * held together ' : the water being deep the dam broke up 
as fast as it was made. X)r Reid thinks contineri wrong and suggests 
continuari ; because of the depth of the water Caesar could not carry 
the mole across in an unbroken line, cp. continuare pontem Tac. Ann. 
XV. 9. 

rates duplices\ it is not clear whether this means two rafts, each 
30 ft. by 15 ft., placed side by side so as to form as it were a single raft 
of 30 ft. square, or whether we must suppose that for the sake of 
additional carr^dng power one raft was placed on the top of another, 
each of the two being 30 feet square. On the whole I prefer the latter 
view supported by Goler and StofTeL Dr Reid however suggests that 
the word duplices may mean that the raftis were made in pairs and one 
of each pair anchored at each of the two incomplete aggeres, Some 
objection has been raised by Goler and others to the number XXX^ on 
the ground that rafts 30 ft. square would not be large enough for the 
various erections placed on them, but I do not think that any alteration 
is needed. 

e regione molis\ * over against the end of the mole,* forming as it were 
a continuation of the mole. 

7 cUstinabat^ 'made fast', cp. B. G. iii. 14, vii. 22, and perhaps iv. 17. 

8 iungebat\ *attached' to the end of ihe former. It was Caesar's 
intention to unite the two ends of the piers by a chain of rafts and so 
bar the channel, but the work was never completed, cp. 17 § i prope 
dimidia parte operis effecta ; how many rafts were placed in position we 
cannot now say, but probably more than ' three or four ' which is Col. 
Stoffers estimate, for Caesar says that he proceeded to erect towers ' on 
every fourth raft '. This argument however will not hold if the im- 
perfect excitahcU denotes merely the unfulfilled intention. It would 
require ao rafts to fill up the whole space between the piers supposing it 
to have been 200 yards. 

9 terra atque aggere\ * soil and a raised causeway *. 

ne aditus...impediretur\ *that there might be no obstacle in the 
way of approach or ingress for the purpose of defence *. 

afronte\ the front or end of the raft facing mid-channel ; as each raft 
was completed these defences a fronte would, I suppose, be removed 
and transferred to the front or end of the next raft ^Tvd ^ cicw» 

90 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

ab utroque laiere\ the side towards Brundisium and the side facing 
the open sea, in other words, the sides facing ap and down channeL 

craHbus acpluUis\ 'fascines and screens'; the latter were breastworks 
of wickerwork covered with raw hides : cp. iii. 24 § i scapha5...cratibus 
pluteisque contexit, 
10 tahulcUorum^ 'stories*; these towers sometimes had 10 stories as in 
B. G. VIII. 41, and exceeded 100 ft. in height 

excitctbafl 'ran up': the word suggests hasty construction and is 
elsewhere applied by Caesar to the erection of towers, B. G. iii. 14, 
V. 40, VIII. 9. 

Chap. XXVI. 

1 adomabat] * proceeded to equip '. 

ibi] *on them*=f>f eis; cp. 27 § 3 and a similar use of eo iii. 24 § i 
eoque milites delectos imposuit where eo=in ecu (scaphas), 

cum temis'] the use of the preposition is strange, and is scarcely 
defended by such phrases as cum veste^ cum telo etc. 

tormentisl see note on 17 § 3. 

omni genere telorum\ *every kind of weapons'; in B. G. vii. 41 
mtdtitudine.,.omnis generis telorum the phrase seems to be reversed 
* weapons of every kind '. 

appellebafl * brought up close '. 

2 itd\ ita thus followed by »/ (Mn such a way that') has something of 
a concessive force : * Caesar though carrying on these operations did 
not think that negotiations for peace ought to be dropped'. 

Magiuml from this remark and from the subsequent account of the 
final closing of the negotiations we should naturally gather that Pompey 
never sent back Magius at all, yet it is clear that he did so from 
Caesar's own letter to Oppius, Cic. Att. ix. 13 a § i Pompeius est 
BrundisU: misit ad me N. Magium de pace; quae visa sunt respondi: 
so too Cicero says Att. ix. 13 § 8 Pompeius N, Magium de pace misit^ 
et tamen oppugnatur, KI J would solve the contradiction by supposing 
that Pompey hcui sent him back with instructions, to which Caesar had 
replied, and that then Pompey refrained from sending him on a second 
mission. But this is pure guess-work. It is simpler to suppose that 
Caesar here, whether from forgetfulness or deliberately, makes a false 

ea res\ his exertions to bring about an understanding : translate 
ireely *and although his frequent attempts in this direction hindered' 


omnibus rebu5\ ' in every way ', * on all accounts '. 

3 Rebilutn\ C. Caninius Rebilus was one of Caesar*s Ugati in Gaul, 
B. G. VII. 83. Subsequently he was consul suffectus for a few hours at 
the end of 45. 

familiarem necessariumque\ there is little appreciable distinction 
between the two words which may be freely translated 'an intimate 
friend': cp. Cic. Fam. xiil. \i % \ M, Ccusii^ mei et familiaris et 
necessarii; 44 tanta mihi cum eo necessitudo est familiaritasque, 

Libofiis'] L. Scribonius Libo was a strong partisan of Pompeyi and 
an active and energetic officer. He was consul for the first half of 34. 
His daughter Scribonia became the third wife of Augustus, and another 
daughter married Sextus Pompeius. 

ipse'] Caesar. 

4 cuius rei] genitive after laudis atque existimaiionis * a grcat part of 
the praise and credit for that achievement ' : cp. B. G. VI. 40 ne ante 
partam rei militaris laudem amitterent * credit for military success'. 

Ji illo.,.discessum\ *ii a cessation of hostilities should take place at 
his initiation and by his agency'. With auctore atque agente cp. Cic. p. 
Sest. 61 dux auctor actor rerum illarum fuit. 

5 proftciscitur] the word indicates that Libo was not with Pompey in 
Brundisium, but probably he was not far off. 

P« 16« 6 saepius...tcmptatam'\ above %i ea res saepe temptata. 

chap. XX vn. 

1 dimidia parte operis\ this cannot mcan half of the whole line of 
works from shore to shore, because the total width of the channel 
being 350 yards, half of the distance would be 175 yards, and the 
length of the two piers being 150 yards, only 25 yards would be left 
occupied by rafts, which would mean a length of i\ rafts; but it is 
clear from 25 § 10, where see note, that several rafts had been placed 
in position; hence we may conclude with tolerable certainty that by 
operis Caesar means the work of placing the rafts subsequent to the 
completion of the moles, that is, that about 10 of the 10 rafts required 
had now been arranged. 

IX\ Ihe ninth day from 9 March on which Caesar arrived at 
Brundisium would be 17 March. 

deportaverant\ ^*deportare not used in Cicero of carrying anything out 
of Italy." J. s. R. 

2 profectionem parare incipii\ cp. Cic. Att. IX. 15 § 6 (Matius and 
Trebatius to Cicero) cum Capua ejcissenms, in itintre avA^Ti^w^*^ Pom- 

92 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

peium Brundisio a,d, XVI K» Apriles (17 March) cum omnibus copiis 
qucLs habuit profectum esse ; Caesarem postero die in oppidum iniroisse, 
Rumours of Pompey's departure at an earlier date had reached Ciccro, 
Att. IX. 13 § I, 14 § 3- 

3 sub'\ *just at the moment of; cp. B. G. viii. 49 sub decessu suo, 
**This temporal use of sub with ablative not before Caesar, though 
Cicero has the corresponding local use (Att. xiv. 7 § i sub Lanuvio 
*close to') which Draeger says is only poetical." j. s. R. 

oppidum\ the MSS omit in as in 11. 13 § 4 quin oppidum irrum- 
perent where however in might easily have fallen out after quin, Paul 
inserts the preposition, but leaves lii. iii § i primo impetu domum eius 
irrumpere conatur, though Cic. de orat. iii. 168 has in domum irrutn- 
pere ; as a rule the simple accusative is poetical and in late prose. 

vicos plateasque'] 'streets and squares': vicus {plKos) is properly a 
group or row of houses, then the street formed by them ; platea (rXaTcta) 
is a broad open space. 

inctedificat^ *builds up', i.e. *blocks*; cp. Livy XLIV. 45 nec 
clausae modo portae sed etiam inaedificatae erant ; Cic. Har. Resp. 32 
a Sex. Serrano sanctissima scuella suffossa inaedificata oppressa.,, 
nescimus f 

viis] the exact construction of this word is not certain, but it is 
probably govemed by praeducity *draws trenches at right angles in front 
of the streets'; cp. Silius Ital. X.^io /ossas instant praeducere muris, 
For transversus *across', *at right angles' cp. B. G. ii. 8 transversam 
fossam obduxit, Dr Reid suggests transversis viis like transverso 
itinere, flumine etc. 

ibi] = in eis, cp. 26 § i. 

sudes stipitesque] *stakes and blocks of wood\ 

4 haec.inaequat] *he levels these (with the rest of the road) by 
covering them with light hurdles and earth'. The word inaequat is 
ara^ elfyijfUyov ; elsewhere Caesar has aequare or adaequare, and 
Dr Reid thinks that the in here may be a remnant of some word such 
as iniecta. 

aditus] *approaches'; the duo belongs only to itinera: cp. B. G. 
VI. 9 aditus viasque in Suebos perquirit. 6y duo itinera are probably 
meant the narrow strips of shore between the walls of the town and the 
two arms of the sea. 

trabibus] *balks of timber' : these were fixed deeply in {defixis) with 
their sharpened ends projecting. 

jz/^^/J^J an adveibial ablative very frequent in Caesar, twice with 


genitive noctis added B. G. vil. 26, 36 : he does not use the word in 
any other form. 

evocatis sagittariis fundiloribu5que\ the light-armed men intended for 
garrison duty were chosen from three classes of troops, the reinlisted 
veterans, the archers, and the slingers ; but it must be remembered that 
the two last named classes were all light-armed; the evocatiy heavy- 
armed legionaries, were converted into light-armed men for this special 
service. There may be some fault in the text here. 
6 expedito toco] 4n a safe place' : expeditus is the opposite of impeditus 
and so 'free from obstruction', 'safe', 'accessible'. 

actuaria nafuigid\ small swift vessels propelled by oar and sail. "Tlie 
word denotes devoted to actus {rerum), i.e. business as opposed to 
fighting, not to be explained (as is usual) from remis agere,'' j. s. R. 

Chap. XXVIII. 

I iniuriif'] the Pompeian troops probably behaved with great license 
in Brundisium; we know that Cicero and other members of the optimate 
party, though siding with Pompey, feared that if victorious he would 
repeat the murders and proscriptions of the Sullan r^gime. 
3 i//is] the Pompeian soldiers. 
ea re] the business of departure. 
vulgo] almost like undique ox passim^ 'everywhere*. 
Caesar] it should be remembered that in a(^ition to partially blocking 
the harbour Caesar had completely invested the town. Sufficient traces 
of his works still exist to show the position of the line of circumvallation 
and the site of his three entrenched camps, one on each side of the 
harbour, over against the two piers, and one on tlie landward or westem 
side of the town. 

3 sub noctem] sub with accusative of time may mean *just before' or 
'just after'; cp. Prof. Palmer on Horace Sat. i. i. 10; here it probably 
means *just at nightfall'. 

quod convenercW] 'which had been agreed on*; cp. B. G. i. 36 si 
in eo manerent quod convenisset, ii. 19 quod tetnpus inter eos co»- 

4 vcUlum caecum] 'the blind stockade', that is, the hidden rows of 
sudes stipitesque. Notice that caecus may be either *not seeing' or 
'not seen'; so too surdus and icw^^t may be 'not hearing' or *not 

P* 17» scaphis lintribusque] *boats and punts' ; it is im^osslhle. <» ^^.VL^iMfc. 

94 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

exact difiference between a scapha and a linter^ but probably ihe former 
was larger and better built than the latter. 

reprehmdunf^ *check', *hinder their escape'. 


I adspem\ lit *for the hope', but we should say *in the hope*. 

eius rei morani^ *the delay involved in such a course*. 
« relinquebatur'] *the only course left was* etc; cp. below 63 § 1, 
B. G. V. 9 relinquebaturt ut.,.pateretur. 

Ficent] these would be merchant vessels belonging to Ancona and 
other small ports on the coast of Picenum. 

freto^ the Sicilian strait, which, as the strait best known to the 
Romans, was often ci\[e.6. fretum without any addition. KFI suppose 
that Caesar meant the ships which had conveyed the troops of Domitius 
to Sicily. 

impeditum\ *fraught with hindrances'. 
3 veterem exercitum] it wiU, be remembered that Pompey had a veteran 
army of 7 legions in Spain, the two Spanish provinces having been 
assigned to him for 5 years from i Jan. 55 by the lex Trebonia. 

a/tera'] the reference is to Hispania citerior, where, in conjunction 
with Q. Caecilius Metellus the governor of Hispania ulterior, Pompey 
had brought the Sertorian war to a successful conclusion in 72. After 
the death of Sertorius most of the towns of hither Spain voluntarily 
surrendered to Pompey, who doubtless did his best to restore prosperity 
to the afHicted country and so eamed the gratitude of the inhabitants. 

Chap. XXX. 

I I/ispaniam] **Caesar*s resolution to go to Spain arose from an 
almost instinctive feeling in a Roman general, prevailing since the 
time of the Second Punic War, leading them to consider Spain as 
important as Italy itself. See Amold, Hist. Rome, vol. iii. p. 81 ; 
where this point is well brought out " (Moberley). 

duumviris] see note on 33 § 4 : the duumviri are probably the two 
IVviH iure dicundo there mentioned who may have been also termed 
Ilviri iure dicundo. As Dr Reid says, these magistrates were probably 
called duoznri, the form duummri {duum being an oldcr form related to 
duorum as nummum to mtmmorum) having perhaps been expanded 
^oai the dbhreviation Ilviri, 


municipiortini^ it is possible that the word maritimorutn may have 
fallen out after municipiorum, for Caesar is evidently thiriking only of 
the municipia on the coast, Tarentum, Sipontum, etc: see on 33 § i. 

deducendas\ for deducere used of bringing a vessel into port cp. 36 
§ 2, B. Al. 1 1 ; on the other hand it is more often used of launching a 
bhipi as in B. G. v. 2. 

Sardiniam'] Sardinia and Corsica together formed one of the Roman 
provinces and were governed by a propraetar^ at this time M. Cotta. 
Caesar was anxious to secure the three great corn-producing countries 
Sardinia, Sicily and Africa, on which Rome was dependent for its 
supplies of food : cp. Appian B. C. II. 40 iripovs 5' (irefnrctf ofia Kod^ry 
OOdKcpltp j[iapd(i) TTjv VTJaov icaraXa/Seci' irvpo<f>opowFav * Kal Karika^ov, 

Curionem'] Appian B. C. II. 41 #s tc ra 1^«, 'K.ovpiwva fih dvrl 
Kdrtavos ffpeiro ijyeiffOai ZiKeMas, Koufrov dk ^apSovs. 

legionibus //] this, not ///, is no doubt right. The four legions 
mentioned in II. 23 § i are these two together with the two legions of 
Domitius previously despatched to Sicily under Asinius Pollio : see 
note on 25 § 2. 

Africam'] the Roman province of Africa corresponded roughly to 
Tunis and part of Tripoli as far as the greater Syrtes (Gulf of Sidra). 

Af. Cotta] M. Aurelius Cotta son of the like-named consul of 74. 
Caesar despatched Valerius and Curio during Ihe last week of March, 
after the capture of Bnmdisium and before his arrival in Rome ; and he 
says here that Cotta was expelled from Sardinia beforc Valerius left 
Italy. Hence the rumour that reached Cicero in May that Cotta was 
still holding Sardinia must have been false, Cic. Att. X. 16 § 3 Cato qni 
Siciliam tenere nullo negotio potuit ety si tenuissety omnes honi ad eum se 
contulissent, Syracusis profectus est ante diem viii K. Mai. , ut ad me 
Curio scripsit. utinam^ quod aiunt^ Cotta Sardiniam teneat! est enim 
rumor: <?, si id fuerit, turpem Catoneml 

sorte"] cp. Cic. p. Lig. 21 Tuberonis sors coniecta est ex senatus 
consulto ; 27 iusto cum imperio ex senaius consulto in provinciam sttam 

Tubero] L. Aelius Tubero was appointed by the Senate to govem 
Africa as propraetor for the year 49. The previous govemor C. 
Considius having abdicated before the expiration of his office had 
informally delegated his powers to his legatus Q. Ligarius (Cic. p. Lig. 
2), who on the news of the outbreak of war reaching Airica refused to 
take any prominent part for Pompey, to whose interests the inhabitants 
were devoted, and practically resigned his ^o%\., TVrx^^^-^^w^x KN5o»a. 

^ 96 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

Varus» who happened to be in Africa whither he had fled straight from 
Auximum (cp. 13 §§ 2, 3; 31 § 2), took Ligarius' place and became to 
all intents and purposes the governor of the province, of which indeed he 
had formerly been propraetor. Tubero then on arriving in Africa found 
his post already occupied and was not allowed to land, as we read in 
the next chapter. It is for this reason that Caesar here says obtinere 
debebaty * ought to have been in command of ', instead of obtinebat, At 
a later period Tubero's son impeached Ligarius for bearing arms against 
Caesar. Ligarius was successfully defended by Cicero in a speech 
which is still extant. 

3 Caralitani] the people of Caralis, now Cagliari, on the S. coast of 

simul\ for simul atque only here and in B. G. iv. 36, whereas the 
fuUer form occurs 10 times. The usage is common in other writers. 

profictol sc. ilh ; for the omission of the pronoun KH cp. B. G. IV. 
13 resistentibiis sc. eis. 

4 Cato'\ the account here given by Caesar of Cato's proceedings is 
slightly at variance with that given by Appian B. C. II. 40, 41, who 
says that Cato left Sicily on the arrival of Asinius Pollio whom Caesar 
had despatched at the same time as Valerius to Sardinia, and that 
afterwards on reaching Rome Caesar nominated Curio govemor of 
Sicily in place of Cato. According to Plutarch Cato 53, it was the 
arrival of Asinius Pollio together with the news of a larger force 
advancing that forced Cato to leave Sicily : this helps to combine the 
two accounts : the truth being that Cato did not retire immediately on 
the arrival of PoUio with Domitius' cohorts, but only when he heard 
that there was a fresh force coming ; see below adventu Curionis cognito, 
He left 23 April, cp. Cic. Att. x. 16 quoted above on § 2. 

naves longas veteres'] naves longas is regarded almost as one word to 
which the epithet veteres is attached, cp. 26 § i naves magnas onerarias; 
so too equestre-praelium secundum and similar phrases. 

Lucanis Bruttiisque\ the Bruttii occupied the extremity of the Italian 
peninsula southward from Thurium ; the Lucani stretched northward 
from the Bruttii to the borders of Apulia and Campania. 

5 adventu Curionis cognito"] ^hearing of the approach of Curio', cp. 
above § 4 and on 15 § 3. 

proiectum] see note on 20 § 2. 
P 18« imparatissimus] * utterly unprepared in every particular'. 


Chap. XXXI. 

I vacuas ah"] cp. 6. G. II. la vacuum ab defensoHhm and elsewhere. 

eo\ * thither *, that is, to Sicily and Sardinia respectively. 
1 Tuhero\ see above 30 § !• 

cum imperid\ 'armed with the imperium^y though he was a de facto 
rather than a de iure govemor : KH cp. Cic. Lig. 3 si illud imperium 
esse poiuU quod ad privcUum clamore multitudinis imperita^^ nullo 
publico consilio deferebatur, 

suprd\ 13 §§ a, 3. 

exfugcC\ we should say * in his flight*, so ex itinere 'in his journey * : 
ex denotes the origin or point of departure; his arrival in Africa 
originated in, or was the immediate result or termination of, his flight. 

sua sponte\ ' of his own accord', * on his own account '; to be taken 
with occupavercU, 

usu\ *familiarity'. Translate *having by his knowledge of the 
people and the district and his familiarity with the province gained an 
opening for engaging in such undertakings ' : cuiitus *means of approach*, 
hence * facilities ' or * opportunities ' for any course of action, cp. 74 § 5 
per quem quisque eorum aditum commendationis haberet ad Caesarem. 

paucis ante annis] the exact date seems not to be known. 

expraetura\ 'on the expiration of his praetorship', cp. 22 § 4. 
3 Uticam\ now Biserta in the extreme north of Tunis. 

naviln4s\ a kind of instrumental ablative, cp. 36 § i, Roby § 1236. 
The dative is so used in Greek, cp. Herod. I. 4 'AXicc/Sui^s Karhrktwrt» 
ii U.apov vawrl» etKwruf, 

f/ium\ probably the son who afterwards impeached Ligarius. 

exponere\ the usual word for putting a person ashore from a ship, 
cp. Hor. Sat. I. 5. 13 quaria rHx demum exponimur hora, 

ierra\ ablative as in iii. 23 § 3, but the accusative would be equally 
good Latin. 

Chap. XXXIL 

I intermiiieretur\ ' that the rest of the time might be allowed to pass in 
freedom from toil*; cp. B. G. VII. 34 ne quod omnino tempus ab opere 
intermitieretur^ 36 neque ullum fere diem intermittebcU quin...pericli- 
tareinr * allowed scarcely a single day to elapse without making trial '. 

municipia\ cp. Cic. Att. ix. 15 § i itte (Caesar), ut ad me scripsit^ 
legiones singuias posuit Bruudisiiy Tarenti^ Siponti^ TweevV^ssvN&^wap» 

BEL, CIV, L *\ 

9« DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

Taranto, and Sipontum was near the site of the modem Manfredonia. 
Troops were also stationed at Hydrantum (Otranto), App. B. C. ii. ^a 
proficiscitur\ Caesar seems to have left Bnmdisium i8 March; he 
stopped at Beneventum 25th, Capua 96th, Sinuessa lyth, and had an 
interview with Cicero at Formiae on the 28th ; cp. Cic. Att. IX 15 § 6, 
i6§ I, 18, i9§ I. Plutarch Pomp. 62 makes Caesar visit Rome before 
the investment of Brundisium, but in Caes. 35 he puts the events in 
their right order. 
1 coctcto senatu] in the absence of the consuls, the tribunes M. Antonius 
and Q. Cassius Longinus convoked the senate for i April outside the 
pomerium^ probably in the temple of Apollo outside the porta Carmen' 

iniwias'] so in his speech to his troops at Ravenna (7 § i) omnium 
temporum iniurias inimicorum commemorat, 

extraordinarium honorem\ * extra-ordinary office*, i.e. out of the 
common order. This is a hit at Pompey who had held many offices 
extra ordinem, Note that this word never means * wonderful * * as- 
tonishing* as the word 'extraordinary* usually does nowadays. 

eo..,pateret'\ *had been content with that which lay open to every 
3 latum\ this was a privilegium (a law of special application aflecting 
only individuals) carried by the ten tribunes in 52, dispensing Caesar 
from the obligation of a personal canvas for the consulship. This is the 
beneficium populi mentioned below § 3 and 9 § 2 where see note. 

Catone\ cp. Liv. epit. 107 lex lata est ut rcUio absentis Caesaris in 
petitione consulatus haberetur^ invito et contradicente M. Catone, 

extrahente\ agrees with Catone^ mora is an instrumental ablative 
(<by delay* or ' obstruction *), consuetudine is a modal ablative *ac- 
cording to his old habit': cp. 33 § 3 sic triduum disputationibus 
excusaiionibusque extrahitur. Cato was a master of the art of Parlia- 
mentary obstruction. 

qui si...prohibuissef\ Pompey*s vacillation in this matter was the 
subject of much unfavourable criticism. He let the measure pass though 
manifestly opposed to his own interests, but later on in the year by the 
Ux Pompeia de iure magistrcUuum he caused the original rulc, which the 
proposal of the tribunes had set aside, to be reaffirmed. The Caesarian 
party, objecting to this, managed to have a special clause inserted 
exempting Caesar from the operation of the rule. Suetonius lul. 28 
says it was a mere oversight on Pompey's part (per oblivionem). 
4 ^/r/u/t/tam] 'iong^suffering*. 

CAPP. xxxii. XXXIII.] NOTES, 99 

posiulavisset'] the demand was first made through C. Curio in 50, 
Cic. Att. VIII. 14 § a fert illam tamen cmdicionem ut ambo exercitus 
tradant ; it was repeated in the letter to the senate in Jan. 49, see 
above 9 § 3 foll., Suet. Caes. 29 senatum litteris deprecatus est, ne sibi 
beneficium populi culimeretur^ aut ut ceteri quoqtu imperatores ab exerci- 
tibus discederent. 

facturus essef] ' was ready to make '. 
5 ab alterd\ from one of the two rivals, that is, from Caesar himself : 
they demanded that Caesar should disband his army, but refused in 
their own case (in se), in other words, they refused his proposal that 
each party should disarm. 

omnia permiscert] so the Pompeians accused Caesar turbare omnia 
ac permiscere voluisse, Suet. Caes. 30. The phrase denotes ' general 
confusion', cp. omnia confundere Cic. Acad. 11. 53, with Dr Reid's note. 
P« 19* 6 legionibu5\ see note on 3 § 3. 

circumscribendis\ * circumscribing the freedom of*, *putting restraint 
on', 'infringing the liberties of ' : the word means 'to draw a line round' 
and so * to enclose ', and is used of hindering or restraining a person's 
freedom of action : cp. *a man...should not circumscribe his activity by 
any inflexible fence of rigid rules' (Blackie ; qu. in New English Dict.). 

coHoquia^ see e.g. 9 § 6, 26 § 3. 

7 pro quibus rebus] * on the strength of * (* as was to be expected from*) 

* these events *. 

rempubHcam suscipiant} * underlake the charge of the state*. 

8 dixisset] this may refer to some remark made by Pompey in the 
course of the proceedings narrated in 6 : it had been urged, as we learn 
from 3 § 7, that an official deputation should be sent to Caesar, and this 
may have led to Pompey's remark that to send envoys attributes too 
much importance to the person to whom they are sent and argues fear 
on the part of the sender. 

tenuis] *poor*. 

operibus] probably 'actions', 'deeds': KH qu. Liv. 1. 16 bis 
immortalibus editis operibus, 

studuerit] perfect subjunctive=j/Wi// in direct speech. 

Chap. XXXIII. 

I rem\ the words de mittendis legatis are added as explanatory of rem ; 

* the senate approves the matter, namely, about the sending of envoys ' : 
there is something similar in ao § 4 quae tgnorabant dt L. DomUvv f-us».- 

loo DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

pro se\ ' on his own behalf *, to be taken with recusabat, 
id tnunus Ugationis} * the duty of this embassy '. 
1 discedens] Pompey^s cowardly abandonment of Rome disgusted his 
friends, cp. for instance Cic. Att. vii. 1 1 § 4 fugiens denique Pompeius 
mirabiliter homines movet, 

3 triduum"] i — 3 April. 

extrahitur^ cp. 32 § 3 Catone...mora dies extrahente where mora is 
the same kind of ablatiye as disputationibus here. 
subicitur] * is put forward *. 

Z. MeteUus"] the tribune*s most noteworthy exploit was to plant 
himself in -front of the treasury when Caesar was about to seize the 
accumulated stores of gold ; cp. Lucan iii. 114 

pugncucque Metellus 
ut videt ingenti Satumia templa revelli 
moUy rapit gressus^ et Ccusaris agmina rumpens 
anU fores nondum reseraicte consiitit aedis, 
He was soon removed by Caesar*s threats and the intervention of Cotta. 
Caesar then appropriated the contents not only of the ordinary treasury 
but also of the sanctius aerarium which by an old tradition was said to 
be held in reserve for the crisis of another Keltic invasion : cp. Appian 
B. C. II. 41 and notes on 14 § i. It is noticeable that Caesar says 
nothing here about his raid on the treasury. 

distrahat"] * thwart ' ; hanc rem is of course the proposed embassy. 
quascunque agere instituerit'] subjunctive because the clause is subor- 
dinate to the final clause qui...impediat, 

4 amittaf] * throw away *. 

proficiscitur] probably on 7 April, cp. Cic. Att. X. 8 § 6 quippe qui 
florentissimus ac nozms VI VII diebus ipsi illi egenti ac perditae muiti- 
tudini in odium acerbissimum venerity qui duarum rerum simulationem 
tam cito amiserit^ mansuetudinis in Metello, divitiarum in aerario : from 
which it appears that Caesar incurred considerable enmity at Rome by 
his actions on this occasion ; cp. also Att. x. 4 § 8. 

ulteriorem Galiiam] Gaul beyond the Alps in contradistinction to 
Gallia Cisalpina. Caesar wrote to Cicero ex itinere a letter dated 16 
April (Att. X. 8 b). M. Stoffel supposes that he reached Massilla, a 
distance of nearly 590 miles from Rome, about 19 Aprll. 



chap. xixl>f.' 

1 VihulUum Ru/um^ cp. 15 § 4 folL » '• « • 

Corfinio\ to be taken with captum * captftreff jit *, (with just a notion 
of *from'), and therefore an ablative of origiD'; cp.. Cic. Brut. ya 
captum TarentOf Verr. iv. 82 Carthagine captum; Caes. B. C. Ii. 28 
quas Corfinio recepercU (all quoted by Draeger H. S. i.^ii?). **The 
ablative is evidently an old standing military phrase, cp. 'Corpi!ks Inscr. 
I. 530 M» Claudius M. F, consol Hinnad cepit^ 534 Aetolia cepit etc." 
J. s. R. '. //. 

2 Masstliam] Marseille, a town of great antiquity, was founded by thcT; - 
Phokaeans about 600 B.C., cp. Thuc. I. 13. 

Igilii] now Giglio, a small island ofF the promontory of Argentario 
on the Tuscan coast, where also was Cosa and the ager Cosanus near 
the modem town of Orbetello. 

Cosano] for the omission of agro cp. Iii. 21 §41» TTiurinum 
followed in 22 § 2 by in agro Thurino. 

coactas"] for cogere etb aliquo cp. III. 103 § i quos..,a negotiatoribus 

colonis"] something like our * tenant-farmers ' : cp. Cic. p. Caec. 94 
qui colonus hahutt conductum de Caesennia fundum, 

3 domum\ * to their home * i.e. to Marseille, so in 35 § 3. We do not 
know what occasioned the presence of these envoys in Rome. 

[)• 20« beneficiorum'] the reference is probably partly to the services 
conferred by Pompey on Massilia and the other seaports of the Medi- 
terranean by his extirpation of the corsairs in 67, and partly to his 
concessions of territory mentioned in 35 § 4. 
4 Cc^art] * against Caesar', a kind of dative of disadvantage. 

Albicos] the district occupied by this tribe corresponds roughly to the 
department of Basses Alpes: in 57 § 3 they are described as asperi 
et montani et exercitati in armis, 

antiquitus] * from ancient times *, * from of old \ 
5 oficinas] * manufactories*; cp. Cic. Phil. Vli 13 armorum officinas in 
urbe videtis, 

reficiebant] notice the change of tense; *they were engaged in 
repairing *. 

Chap. XXXV. 

I XV primos] *the 15 chief men*: the senate of Massilia consisted of 
600 life members, out of whom was formed a select cahvaft.^ ^^ xv^ 

I02 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 


empowered to deal wiih all prdii^ary business, while out of this 15 a 

still more powerful and s^lect*4)Ociy of 3 was chosen, with one of their 

number to preside. Tbe 'gotemment was of an aristocratic type and 

the laws were goo(|. %,^frak)o iv. 5 ; Valerius Max. ii. 6 § 7 ; Lucian 

Toxaris 24 (all gubted 6y Voss ap. Davies). The presidents of the ten 

decuriae fornyng {^e senate in many Italian towns were similarly called 

decem primtm <*• * * 
^ t • • • 

initiu^*AfiHatur'\ for the pleonasm cp. B. G. V. 26 initium... 

tum\4lJus...ortum, VIII. 38 initium belli esse ortum^ B. C. Iii. 94 § 3; 

^•sCBd fqv the gerundial form after initium cp. III. 20 § 2 «/ reperiri nm 

•* '' mf^i^^i A quibus initium appeltandi nasceretur. llie pleonasm is also 

• **, 'cbmmon in Cicero and other writers. 

9 sanandas mentes] * calm their minds '; cp. II. 30 § 3 f// maiore spatio 
temporis interiecto mUitum mentes sanarentur, 

3 domuni\ * home ', i.e. to Marseillei as in 34 § 3 ; cp. also B. G. 
VII. 39 domi *in his own country* and many other passages. 

ex auctoritate...reftuntiant] 'are authorised to carry back this 
message': there is no need to understand the genitive senatus as KH 
do, as if Caesar were thinking of the technical phrase auctoritas senatus 
in use at Rome. Dr Reid doubts whether ex auctoritate could be used 
in this general sense of ' by authority ' and thinks the words may be a 
gloss which has taken the place olipublice or some such word. 
iudicit] for the case cp. 13 § i docent sui iudicii rem non esse, 
virium] *nor were they justified by their power in deciding' etc; 
that is, they did not consider themselves a sufficiently powerful state to 
decide which of the two great rivals had the better cause. Beware of 
translating virium as if it meant merely * power * in the sense of capacity 
or ability to decide. 

4 patronos] the patronus of a town or province was one who undertook 
to look after its affairs and interests at Rome. The people under the 
protection of a patronus were called his clientes. 

Volcarum Arecomicorum] this tribe occupied a district on the Gulf 
of Lyons corresponding to parts of the departments of Herault and 
Gard. Their chief town was Nemausus (Ntmes). 

Helviorum] situated north of the Volcae and corresponding roughly 
to the department of Ard^che. 

publice] * by public authority ', * in the name of the state *. Nothing 
apparently is known of this grant of lands by Pompey to the Massiliots. 

eis] notice that the reflexive sibi referring to the subject of the 
sentence would sccm more natural, but Caesar in his use of the prououns 

CAl»P. XXXV. xxxvi.] NOTES. 103 

often disregards the oblique structure of a sentence; cp. 2 § 3 and 
several instances in the Gallic war quoted by Draeger H. S. § 29. 

victa Gallia cUia cUtribuerU\ I adopt Paui's reading. It Is not 
kno^vn wliat grants Caesar made to tbe Massiliots. 
5 paribits eorutn beneficiis\ * their benefits being equal '• 

Chap. XXXVI. 

1 navibus^ see note on 31 § 3. 

summa...permittitur'] cp. B. G. v. n summa imperii bellique ad- 
ministrandi communi consilio permissa Cctssivellauno, 

2 deducunt] see note on 30 § i. 

parum...utuntur] *those (merchantmen) which were insufficiently 
provided with bolts or timber and with tackie, they use for fitting out 
and repairing the rest': instructis (sc. navibus) is ablative after utuntur 
and c/azns aut materia atque arnuimentis are abiative after instructis. 

clavis] nails or bolts made of iron or copper (V^etius iv. 34) : cp. 
Plaut. Rud. III. 4. 48 offerumentas habebis pluris quam utla navis longa 
clavos *■ you will have more stripes than a man of war has nails ' ; B. G. 
III. 13 transtra pedalibus in altitudinem trabibus confixa clavis ferreis 
digiti pollicis crassitudine. 
K 21« 3 si accidat] *in case it should ensue* : tliis is a protasis standing 
alone, with its apodosis concealed as it were in the words ad obsidionem 
urbis reservant; the stores would be useful for a blockade, ^one were to 

4 legiones tres] three of the four legions under the command of C. 
Trebonius which liad been stationed in Belgic Gaul ; cp. B. G. viii. 54, 
and note on 18 § 5. The order to Trebonius to march southward had 
probably been despatched some time before. 

agere] this is the regular word for * moving up ' towers etc These 
towers were mounted on wheels and were cailed turres ambulcUoriae : 
see the article turris in S. D. A. Similar towers were used even after 
the introduction of gunpowder and so late as 1487 at the si^e of 
Malaga by Ferdinand and Isabella, cp. Prescott Part I. c. 13. 

ArelcUe] Arles. 

5 diebus XXX] ablative of * time within which' ; • within 30 days*. 

D, Brutum] D. lunius Brutus AJbinus, one of Caesar*s officers in 
Gaul. He afterwards conspired against his chief along with his better 
known relative M. lunius Brutus. Like all the rest of Caesar's mur- 
derers he subsequently met with a violent death. 

I04 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

C Treboniutn\ originally a supporter of the aristocratic party he 
early espoused the cause of Caesar, and in his tribunate, 55, he proposed 
the lex Trebonia by which Caesar's tenure of the provincial govemor- 
ships of the two Gauls and Illyricum was prolonged for another five 
years. He was made one of Caesar's legati and is often mentioned in 
the Gallic War. He was afterwards one of the conspirators, and was 
iinally murdered by Dolabella in 43. 

Chap. XXXVII. 

1 C Fabiuml see note on 18 § 5. When we last hear of Fabius, 
B. G. VIII. 54, he was stationed in winter quarters among the Aedui. 
Probably the same despatch which ordered him to send a legion to 
Caesar in Italy also directed him to shift his headquarters to Narbo. 
The date on which he left Narbo cannot be determined, but is con- 
jectured to have been about 10 May. He would take from 10 to 
12 days to reach Ilerda, a distance of about 224 miles. 

saltus Pyrenaeos^ * the passes of the Pyrenees ' : the ordinary route 
from Narbonese Gaul to Spain probably lay from Narbo through 
Ruscino (Perpignan) and by the foot of the Puy Camellas through la 
Junquera, and southwards to Barcino (Barcelona) and Tarraco (Tarra- 
gona). There was another pass to the west of this by the valley of the 
Tet, see below, § 3. 

Z. Afranidl consul in 60 when he must according to the law have 
been at least 43 years of age, which would make him not less than 
54 at this date. When Pompey in 55 received the control of the 
Spanish provinces for 5 years he entrusted their administration to 
Afranius and Petreius ; cp. Vell. Pat. Ii. 48. i. 

2 reUquas legiones\ this no doubt refers to the three veteran legions 
which had been under Caesar's command in Italy, the Vlllth, Xllth, 
and Xlllth. Caesar would thus have 6 veteran legions for the war 
in Spain ; cp. 39 § 2 Caesar legiones in Hispaniam praemiserat sex. 
Stoffel 1. 259. 

3 ex sa/tu deiecit] Stoffel and Goler agree that the pass here men- 
tioned is that crossed by the road which, branching off from Perpignan 
to the right, follows the valley of the Tet up to Puigcerda and then 
descends on the other side by the valley of the Segre or Sicoris to 
Urgel. But R. Schneider, Ilerda, pp. i — 3, maintains that Fabius took 
the route above mentioned by Junquera and Gerona. 

CAPP. xxxvi. — xxxviii.] NOTES. 105 


1 demonstratum esi"} cp. 34 § i* 

Fetraus^ M. Petreius commanded the forces of the republic in place 
of M. Antonius in the battle in which Catiline was killed, B.c. 62 ; Sall. 
Cat. 59, 60; Cic. p. Sest. 12. 

Varro^ M. Terentius Varro, best known for his extraordinary eru- 
dition and his voluminous works, of which unfortunately the greater 
part have perished, was a strong supporter of the senatorial party, but 
after the decisive battle at Pharsalia he surrendered to Caesar and 
passed the rest of his life in retirement and study. At this date he was 
about 66. The destruction of his valuable library at Casinum by 
Antony is referred to by Cicero Phil. 11. § 103. 

Hispaniam citeriorem'^ it is perhaps impossible to give the exact 
limits of this province at this period, but it may be roughly described as 
comprising the whole of the north-eastem portion of Spain from the 
Bay of Biscay to the Sierra de Morena (saltus Castulonensis) and 

alter\ notice that alter refers to Varro and tertius to Petreius though 
they had previously been mentioned in reverse order : this is a mark of 
hasty writing (KH). 

ulteriorem] this province comprised most or ali of the rest of Spain 
not included in Hispania citerior ; it had two main divisions, one called 
Baetica, that is, the country between the saltus Castulonensis, with its 
south-eastern extensions, and the river Anas (Guadiana); the other 
called Lusitania, for which see below. At a later period Lusitania was 
made a distinct province, the name Hispania ulterior being reserved for 
the abridged province of Baetica. 

Vettonum] the Vettones occupied a district about covering the 
provinces of Caceres and Salamanca, between the Durius (Douro) 
and the Anas. 

Lusitaniam'] the third main division of Roman Hispania, comprising 
the country bounded by the Durius, the sea, and the Anas. The 
cxtreme north-western comer of Spain, Gallaecia and Asturia, may have 
been considered at this time as belonging to Lusitania. 

2 ad Afranium] Afranius was stationed at Ilerda (Lerida) on the 
Sicoris (Segre). 

3 toti Lusitaniae] dative after imperantur ; so too the following datives 
Celtiberiae etc. : imperare aliquid alicui is to order a ijetsoa ^s^ <ncc«^c^ 

io6 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. l 

something, and is espedally used of levying troops; cp. B. G. v. i 
civitaUbus mUUes imperai ' orders the states to fumish soldiers 'i vii. (^ 
equites,..qui toti Galliae erant imperati 'who were requisitioned from 
the whole of Gaul'; B. C. Iii. 31 § 3 citntatibus tyrannisque magnas 
imperaverat pecunias. 

Celtiberiae\ the country of the Celtiberi, corresponding roughly to the 
provinces of Guadalajara and Cuenca. Their name signifies that they 
were a mixed race of Celts and Iberians : cp. Lucan iv. 9 profugique a 
gente vetusta \ Gallorum Celtae miscentes nomen Hiberis. 

Cantabris'] a powerful tribe on the N. coast, from whom the Bay 
of Biscay received the name of mare Cantabricum. They were with 
difficulty reduced to subjection under Augustus; cp. Horace Od. i. 6, 
III. 8. 

barbarisque omnibus] such perhaps as the Vascones, Caristi, Autri- 
gones, Astiures, etc, who all 'extend to the ocean' {cuf Oceanum 
4 ipsius loct\ 'the place in itself; that is, the natural advantages 
of the place were very great. Ilerda (Lerida) was situated on an 
isolated hiU about 800 feet in height on the left bank of the Segre : cp. 
Lucan IV. 11 colle tutnet modico lenique excrevU in altum \ pingue solum 
tumulo: super hunc fundata vetusta \ surgit Jlerda manu. An exa- 
mination of the district has rendered it probable that the Pompeians 
encamped on the hill of Gardeny about 3 kilom^tres S. of Ilerda. 

Chap. XXXIX. 

P« 22« I scutatae] afler mentioning the veteran legions Caesar proceeds 
to enumerate the auxiliary forces. The scutatae cokortes were heavily 
armed cohorts, the saitum being a long shield made of a framework of 
wood covered with leather; the cetratae on the other hand were 
light armed troops, carrying the cetra, a light Spanish shield ; cp. Lucan 
VII. «33 illic pupiacts commomt Iberia cetras. 

ulterioris Hispanuie\ Madvig would omit these words, but the 
omission of Hispaniae alone would, I think, be sufficient. The scutatae 
were drawn from the citerior prcmncia^ the cetratae from the ulterior^ 
and the cavalry from both ; true, that we read of cetratae belonging 
to the hither province in 48 § 6 and 75 § a, but there is nothing in the 
present passage to exclude altogether either cetrcUae from the hither 
province or scutatae from the farther province, as Nipperdey and others 
assume when they propose to omit from the present text the three 


^jemiiyes citerioris pravinciae, ulterioris Hispaniiu^ utriusque provindae, 
The objection to the word Hispaniae of course is that Caesar would not 
be likely to insert it directly after provinciae which could so easily be 
supplied again with the adjective ulterioris, 

LXXX] M. Stoffel, judging from the disposition of the Pompeian 
forces in 85 § I, thinks this number too large, and proposes to read 
1 auxiiia peditum Vmitia] the text here is in a hopelessly disordered 
state: the reading here given is the one generally adopted and is to a 
certain extent supported by Cicero Att. ix. 13 § 4 nam ego hunc ita 
paratum video peditatu, equitatu^ classibus, auxiliis GcUlorum^ quos 
MaHus ^Xdrt^ey, ut puto^ sed certe dicebcU peditum decem milia, equitum 
sex poUiceri sumptu suo annos decem, It will be seen that Cicero here 
gives the exact double of the equitum III milia mentioned by Caesar, 
and so agrees with Caesar's statement that he doubled his cavalry force 
by raising 3000 horsemen in Gaul (parem ex Gallia numerum) ; and on 
the.same ground it is inferred that if the very doubtful reading peditum 
decem milia in Cicero be assumed correct we should be justiBed in 
xtzAvckg peditum Vmilia in Caesar. 

qucu] this is only found in one late MS, but improves the sense. 
Caesar had 3000 cavalry during his previous campaigns, and he now 
levies another 3000 from Gaul. It is probable that the words parem ex 
Gailia numentm also refer back to the (supposed) peditum V milia^ so 
that we are to understand Caesar as meaning that he doubled the 
infantry as well as the cavalry of his auxiliary force. The student will 
notice how much supposition is required to make any tolerable sense out 
of a large portion of this chapter. 

pacaverat] Caesar had crushed Gaul into submission by a war of nine 
years duration ; tbis he calls ' pacification'. 

huc] the text is again defective: for huc the MSS have hinc and 
after cUtingunt some words are lost ; adiecerat is a conjectural insertion : 
one of the genitives optimi generis or hominum seems to depend on 
some number that has been lost ; this number may lie concealed in the 
word hinc^ or perhaps mille (written ni) has fallen out after the m 
of hominum ; cp. Iil. 84 § 4 equitum mille, KH take optimi generis as 
a partitive genitive ' (some of) an excellent class of men^ comparing iii. 
4 § 6 huc Dardanos..,MacedoneSf Thessalos ac reliquarum gentium et 
civitcUum adiecerat, 

Aquitanis] the Aquitani forming one of the three main divisions 
of Gaul belonged to the Ibcrian race. They occuyied lU^ S«V( » c^l C^x-ssN. 

io8 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

between the ocean, the upper course of the Garonne, M. Corbi^res and 
the Pyrenees. * 

3 audierat^ the beginning of the sentence is apparently lost and with it 
the subject of audierat, possibly Varro. The report about Pompey's 
approacli was baseless. 

sumpsii] KH consider that the subject of this sentence as well as of 
the last is some other than Caesar. 

4 quod.,,demnxif\ this does not imply that the ofiicers were wavering 
in their all^iance, but that their enthusiasm would be stimulated by the 
knowledge that only by a victory and the consequent spoils of war 
would their loan be repaid. 

redgmit] *purchased'; cp. B. G. i. 44 quorum omnium gratiam 
atque amicitiam eius morte redimere posset. 

Chap. XL. 

I pontes] these no doubt crossed the Segre between Ilerda and the 
confluence of the Noguera Rivagorzana with the Segre about 6 miles 
(10 kilom^tres) N.E. of Ilerda. Caesar says they were 4 miles apart, 
and we may fairly assume that the lower bridge was about 3 kil. 
above Ilerda, and the upper about i kil. below the junction of the two 
rivers. M. Stoffel places Fabius' camp on the right bank near the lower 
bridge and about 2 miles N. of Ilerda. I adopt this view as to the 
situation of the camp and bridges, after careful consideration, in pre- 
ference to that of Herr Schneider who places the lower bridge, together 
with the camp adjacent, near the confluence of the rivers, and so at 
a distance of about 10 kil. from Ilerda, and the upper bridge 4 miles 
farlher up stream. 

his pontibus] ablative of way or direction; cp. B. G. V. 19 omnibus 
viis semitisque essedarios ex silvis emittebat ; Roby § 1 176. 

citrd\ *on this side* i.e. on Fabius* side, consequently on the right 

1 hoc idemfere\ *something of the same kind*: cp. B. G. vi. 17 de his 
eandem fere quam reliquae gentes opinionem hcd?ent. But Dr Reid 
prefers to take fere with the verb faciebant, 

Pompeiant\ the Pompeian troops crossed by a bridge of their own 
(cp. § 4 suo pottte) which connected Ilerda with the opposite bank. It 
was made of stone, cp. Lucan IV. 15 saxeus ingenti quem pons amplec- 


3 hucl * hither * i.e. to the parts across the river : but the text may be 

praesidio] dativei * to protect '. 

propiore\ the one nearer to Ilerda. 

impedimenta\ beasts of burden (or wagons?) for bringing back 
supplies, cp. B. G. vii. 45 magftum numerum impedimentorum ex 
castris mulorumque produci...iubet, See too below 51 §6. 

4 quo cognito a Petreid\ * and this having been discovered by Petreius *, 
* having become known to Petreius *, 

ex\ * by reason of ', * through *. 

traiecit] *threw across', cp. 54 § 4 huc Ugionem postea traiecit: the 
word may also take an accusative of the place crossed, as in 55 § i 
equitum magnam partem flumen traiecit; 83 § 5. 

occurrif] probably, but not certainly, the perfect: in B. G. iv. 26 
the MSS agree in the form occurrerat, but in B. C. iil. 92 § a one ms 
has occucurrissent, and in lil. 93, 94 similar variations oi procurrere are 
foand three times. The shorter form of the perfect was doubtless 
preferred in all compounds of curro, 

5 Plancus] L. Munatius Plancus had been one of Caesar's legates in 
Gaul, B. G. V. 24. He attained the consulship in 42. 

P« 23« necessaria re coactus] * under the stress of necessity ' : the same 
phrase probably underlies the MS variations in B. G. i. 17; cp. Cic. 
Vcrr. II. 3. 72 Siculos re necessaria coactos; so necessario cogere occurs 
in III. 49 § 5 and in Cicero. 

superiorem] there is a long stretch of high ground running parallel 
with the stream on the left bank of the S^e. 

dvuersam. . .constituit] * draws up his lines facing in opposite directions ' ; 
that is, he placed his legions back to back ; ' les adossa Tune k Tautre ' 

constituit] probably a present tense like capit, in which case the 
imperfect posset 'might be able' is used irregularly for possit *may be 
able'. On the other hand constituit may be perfect, an abrupt change 
from present to perfect not being unusual. 
7 ulteriore] the bridge up stream farthest from Ilerda. 

heneficio fortuncu] the same phrase in Iii. 26 § 4, 95 § 1. 

ChaI». XLI. 

I eo biduo] ' two days after that' ; cp. eo triduo 18 § 5. 

reliquerat] out of the whole cavalry force mentioned in 39 § 2 

iio DE BELLO CIVIL/. [lib. i 

Caesar had left or retained 900 to serve as his own body-guard; the 
rest had been sent forward under Fabius. 

in castra pervmtt\ four old Roman calendars give a Aug. as the date 
of the capitulation of Afranius and Petreius. Curio in his speech ii. 32 
§ 5 states that Caesar effected the conquest in 40 days from his first 
appearance before the Pompeian camp, which would thus fall a^ June. 
From § 2 we learn that he took up his position before the hill of 
Gardeny, where the Pompeians were encamped, the day after his 
arrival at the camp of Fabius. He therefore reached the latter 22 June. 
The joumey from Massilia to Ilerda, a distance of about 394 miles, might 
take iSdays (Stoffel), which would make the date of his leaving Massiiia 
about 5 June. These dates must of course not be regarded as anything 
more than approximate, for we cannot be sure that Curio*s 40 days is to 
be interpreted strictly. 

tempe5tate\ this word, which originally meant a period of time, then 
weather good or bad, came to mean usually bad or 'tempestuous' 
weather ; so too valetudo which was originally any state of health came 
to mean bad health, whence our * valetudinarian '. 
1 sex cohortes] probably one from each of his six legions. 

triplici instructa acie] the army consisting of 54 (60 - 6) cohorts was 
drawn up before starting in three lines : by a quarter-turn to the right they 
were formed into three columns, and so marched to their destination. 
When the heads of the columns reached the right of the hill of Gardeny 
a quarter-tum to the left would bring them back into three lines ready 
for action (Stoffel). 

sud artnis"] this and in armis are used indifferently ; cp. below § 4 
acies in armis,..pemianebat. 

in medio colle\ * half way up the hill \ 

3 stare\ * that it was only owing to Afranius that a pitched battle was 
not fought': cp. il. 13 § 4 grcnnterque eam rem tulerunt quod stetisse per 
Trebonium^ quo minus oppido potirentur, videbatur: in this usage stare 
takes quin or quo minus or ne, 

intermissis] with abt ' at an interval of about 400 paces from \ 

4 qiiod...erat\ * which could not fail to be a prominent object and 
visible from afar*. 

XV] this denotes the width of the fosse at the top, not the depth. 

post hos] cp. Lucan iv. 28 prono tum Caesar Olympo \ in noctem 
subita circumdedit agniina fossa^ \ dum primae perstant (or praestant) 
aciesy hostemque fefellit^ \ et prope consertis obduxit castra maniplis. 
^ /Af/d//^^f/ur] *it sbouid be understood *: see note on 22 § 2. 

CAPP. xLi. — XLiii.] NOTES, III 

6 sub r/esperum] 'about the evening': sub with accusative may mean 
* just before' or * just after *. 

Chap. XLII. 

f postero die\ presumably i\ June : see on 41 § i. 
p. 24. quod...petendus'\ proper material for an agger would have been 
difficult to get ; Caesar therefore confined himself for the present to 
drawing a wide trench round his camp. 

similem\ that is, like what it had been the day before. It will be 
remembered that he had then made the third line of his troops excavate 
the fosse behind the other two lines which were confronting the foe ; he 
now proceeds with each of the three remaining sides of the encampment 
in the same way, appointing one legion to make the fosse on each side, 
thus employing three legions simultaneously, while the three remaining 
l^ons kept guard on the side facing the enemy. 

ad\ we should say ' of ' the same size : ad denotes the standard of 

in armis\ like sub armis ' under arms ' : then expeditas will be * lightly 
equipped*, that is, not encumbered with any unnecessary weight. Paul 
absurdly concludes from B. G. vii. 1 1 §§ 6, 8 that the two expressions 
in armis and expeditas mean the same thing, and would therefore eject 
one of them here. 
1 atque\ * and so '; for the form of the sentence cp. 41 § 4 ne...hostium 

incursu exterrerentur atque opere prohiberentur. 
3 neque\^neque tamen, 

prtiesidio\ the ablative expresses the ground of his confidence ; * by 
reason of the protection*; see note on la § 3 and cp. 58 § i, 75 § 3. 

munitione /ossae\ fossae is a genitive of quality or description ex- 
pressing the nature of the munitio^ ' the defensive work of the fosse'. 
5 tertio die\ 15 June. 

vaUd\ this probably denotes a stout palisading fixed in the bank of 
earth produced from the excavation of the fosse : * a palisaded rampart *• 
This would of course surround the camp inside the fosse. 

reiiquas coAortes] the six cohorts left in charge of Fabius' camp. 

Chap. XLIII. 

I planities] this, and not p/anicies, is no doubt the right spelling. 
There is very little authority for the form planitia adopted here by Paul. 

112 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

tumulus] this is the Puig Bordel, a slight eminence in the plain 
between Ilerda and the site of Afranius* camp. 
9 occupavissetl 'should occupy*; literally, *should have occupied*, the 
act being regarded from the point of view of the ensuing result. So in 
such sentences as * he oflfers a reward to anyone who should do this ', we 
should write hocfecisset^ lit. * should have done this '. 

3 legiones Iir\ we know from the subsequent narrative that two of 
these were the IXth and the XlVth. 

unius legionis'] the XlVth. 

antesignanos] what the antesignani were is a question that has been 
much debated and perhaps does not now admit of solution. Three 
views may here be mentioned : (i) They were the four cohorts forming 
the first line of the legion, drawn up in front of the signa, behind which 
came the other two lines, consisting of three cohorts each. The number 
of the antesignani would thus be \\h (^ths) of the whole legion, which, 
assuming the XlVth legion to have contained 3000 men (Stoffers 
estimate), would be 1200. (ii) They were the two front ranks of the ten 
cohorts which were drawn up in one line, 8 ranks deep. The 30 signa of 
the different maniples (of which there were three to a cohort) were 
carried in the second rank, and the men of this rank as well as of the 
first were called antesignanif while the remaining 6 ranks were post- 
signani, If the legion contained 3000 men, the two front ranks would 
contain |ths or Jth of the whole, that is, 750 men. This is M. Stoffers 
view which he developes at some length vol. ii. p. 329 foll. (iii) They 
were not any definite portion of a legion, but were merely a body of 
men of uncertain number picked from the legion and employed in any 
sudden emergency where there was need of a small force of tried 
courage and able to execute rapid movements. Whichever of these 
views be adopted, and I incline to the first, it will be seen that the 
antesignani were reckoned the best soldiers in the legion. On the 
whole subject see MM. V. 342 foU.; Goler, Biirgerkrieg p. 36 foll., 
Stoffel II. 329 foU., S. D. A. s.v. exercitus, 

4 breviore itinere"] Caesar's three legions were apparently drawn up in 
a line fronting Ilerda, Puig Bordel and Gardeny, the XlVth being on 
the left of his position and so the farthest from Gardeny and the IXth in 
the centre. The antesignani were suddenly detached Irom the XlVth 
to seize Bordel but were anticipated by the cohorts of Afranius which 
were not so far off. 

5 aliis submissis subsidiis] * when other reserves had been sent up ', 
by AfranJus to assist his cohorts that had occupied the mound. 

CAPP. XLiii. — XLV.] NOTES. 1 13 

Chap. XLIV. 

I «/] the clause with ut is explanatory of the noun in the main clause 
igenus) : cp. II. 18 § 6 ratio autem haec erat belli ut se..xonferrei (qu. by 
KH); Cic. Verr. il. 119 est consuetudo Siculorum.,.ut nonnunquam... 
eximant: Draeger HS. Ii. § 405. 

rari dispersique'\ * singly and in scattered order *. 

[)• 25* 3 cusuefactt\ with ablative ^habituated in'; cp. 6. G. iv. i nullo 
officio aut disciplina assuefacti^ 3 Gallicis sunt moribus assuefacti, 

3 quod\ probably the relative, not * because ' : * a thing which usually 
happens'; this is further explained by the ut clause which follows. 

4 insuetos huius generis pugnae'] for the genitive with insuelus cp. iii. 
49 § 3; B. G. V. 6, VII. 30: it can also take an ablative as in Livy 
XXVIII. 18 insuetus moribus Romanis. Notice that pugnae may be the 
genitive after generis or vice versa ; you can say hoc genus pugnae or 
pugfta huius generis without any appreciable difference in the meaning ; 
cp. 39 § a. 

ab aperto iatere\ *on their exposed flank', i.e. on their left; they 
were afraid of the XlVth legion being outflanked : sometimes the 
preposition is omitted in this phrase, in which case it is a local ablative, 
cp. B. G. I. 25, II. 23. 

ipsi..,oportere'\ the text is probably faulty. KH say ^oportet can take 
a simple infinitive when the subject is indefinite, but requires an 
accusative and infinitive when the subject is definite: with discedere 
and servare the subject is indefinite, "one must" etc. ; with dimittiiht 
implied subject is definite' i.e. 'they did not think it right that they 
should relinquish' ctc. This explanation may be adopted as a 
temporary expedient. 

5 in eo comu\ the left wing which was occupied by the XlVth. 
proximum collem\ apparently some rising ground at the back of their 

position and westward of Puig Bordel. Stoffel calls it Las CoUades. 

Chap. XLV. 

9 dum...volun(\ dum with the present indicative is here equivalent to a 
present participle ; ' wishing to hear, ' in their wish to heal *. 

sarcire\ so in iii. 67 § 3 cupiens eius diei detrimentum sarcire^ 73 § 5 
ut acceptum incommodum virtute sarcirctur, 74 § a studium infamiae 

^EU C\\\ I. "^ 

114 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

locum iniquutn\ the hill on which Ilerda is built is precipitous and 
difficult of access except on the S.W. side, where there is a slope 
leading up from the plain to the top of the plateau and partly enclosed 
by two projecting spurs of rock, one of which, that on the S. E. side of 
the slope, forms a long narrow and steep ledge. The men of the IXth 
incautiously pursuing the retreating Fompeians up this slope found 
themselves, when the latter tumed to bay under the walls of the town, 
in an extremely critical situation. They were hemmed in on the 
narrow slope by the two flanking spurs of rock and exposed to a shower 
of missiles from the enemy who were on higher ground and had the 
walls of the town at their back. To retreat down the slope would ol 
course be fatal. Nothing was left for them to do but to hold their 
positiou as well as they could. 

4 praeruptus] * the place was precipitous with a steep wall of rock on 
either side*. This describes the two walls of rock running downwards 
from the town and skirting the slope on either side. For the juxtaposition 
of the words pracruptus and derectus cp. ii. 24 § 3 ;V/ autem est iugum 
derectum^ eminens in mare^ utraque ex parte pracruptum atque asperum, 

latitudinem\ the extreme width of the slope near the lower end 
measured between the lateral escarpments of the two spurs of rock is 
stated by M. Stoflfel to be about 340 yards : nulli telum vibrare vacabat 
says X.ucan iv. 40. 

ut.,.explerent'\ *as just to give room for three cohorts drawn up in 
battle array': notice that eum would have been sufficient without the 
addition of locum. 

5 tenui fastigid\ *by a slight descent*: I see no objection to the word 
tenuis thus used, though Hotoman and Paul read leni comparing 11. 24 
§ ^ paulo leniore Uticam vergit, 

pcusus circiter CCCC\ Stoffel estimates the length of the rise at 600 
yards or about 400 paces. 

6 incitati studid\ above § 2 elati studio. 

niiebantur\ *struggled*, *strove': virtute and patientia are modal 
ablatives, * with courage and endurance' : it would not make such good 
sense to take them as ablatives after nitebantur meaning * they relied on 
their courage and endurance*, though this would be grammatically 
possible, cp. B. G. viii. 10 tamen Germanorum adventu barbari niie* 
bantur *relied on the arrival': with the present passage cp. B. G. iv. 
24 non eadem alacritate ac studio...nitebantur (al. utebantur). 

7 illis\ the Pompeians. 

/f^r i^^/tWum] apparently the reinforcements sent by Alranius from 

CAPP. XLV. XLvi.] NOTES, 115 

his camp foUowed the bank of the river and entered the town by way of 
the stone bridge (not of course over the bridge, as they were on the town 
side of the river) and so passed through the town to the gates opening 
on to the above-mentioned slope. 

int^grt\ for this antithesis of mtegri and defessi 'fresh* and *ex- 
hausted' cp. B. G. v. 16, vil. 41, 48, 85 ; 6. C. III. 40, 94. 
P« 26t 8 ut..,reciperei'\ the ut clause is explanatory oi facere^ as in 44 
§ 5 it is explanatory oifit» 

Chap. XLVI. 

1 hoc cum esset modo\ for the order cp. 80 § i tali dum pugnatur modo, 
koris quinque] ablative of *time throughout which\ a development 

of the commoner usage of * time in the course of which *, Roby § 1184 : 
cp. 47 § 5 nostri...quod quinqtie horis proelium sustinuissent ; B. G. II i. 
5 cum iam amplius horis sex continenter pugnaretur, 

glcuiiis destrictis\ this ablative is not coordinate with consumptis telis 
but expresses a subsequent action : ' having spent all their javelins they 
drew their swords and charged' etc. 

2 summotis sub murum\ * having been driven up close under the wall *, 
cp. 45 § 1 sub montem...succedunt. 

non nultam partem\ 'to some extent'; for the adverbial accusative 
cp. B. G. IV. I maximam partem lacte atquepecore znzmnt, 
receptus\ ' withdrawal *. 

3 equitatus\ cp. Lucan IV. 43 vidit lapsura ruina \ agtnina dux equi- 
temque iubet succedere bdlo^ \ munitumque latus laevo producere gyro: 
approaching the slope from the S.£. they would tum to the left {}aevo 
gyro) and riding between the opposing forces (inter duas acies perequi- 
tans) would extend before the infantry their protected (i.e. left) side: but 
Lucan's account is sadly confused, see Mr Haskins' note. 

deiectis atque inferioribus\ this is not mere tautology, deiectus marks 
the sudden drop of the ground, while infirior denotes its lower level: 
tr. *on low-lying ground at the foot of the cliff '. 

conititur\ a word expressive of great exertion, frequent in Vergil 
and Livy, but only here in Caesar. 

4 ex primo hastato\ to understand this aright one must have some idea 
of the constitution of a Roman legion. Before the military reforms of 
Marius a legion was drawn up in three lines, called respectively hastati, 
principest triariit the last-named being the highest in point of dignity. 
Each line contained 10 maniples, and in each maniple there wet^ \:h^ 

ii6 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

officers called centuriones^ one called prior and the other posterior, 
There were ihus 60 centurions in a legion, and the lowest in rank was 
the posterior of the loth maniple of the hastati^ the decimus hastatus 
posterior, while the highest was the prior of the first maniple of the 
triarii, or, as he was usually called for brevity, the primipUus (pilus 
meaning triarius). ^er Marius the old order of battle was given up 
but the legion was divided as before into 10 cohorts, each cohort 
containing 3 maniples, and, as before, each maniple had its prior and its 
posterior centurio. In order to distinguish the diflerent centurions the 
old names were retained, and the 6 centurions of any cohort, say the 
first, would be thus designated : — 

prior and posterior hastatus\ 

prior and posterior princeps \ primae cohortis. 

prior and posterior pilus J 

The lowest in rank of the 60 centurions was the posterior hastatus of the 
loth cohort, and the highest was the prior pilus of the first cohort, or, 
as he was usually called, the primipilus, Apparently a man rose by 
successive steps from the lowest to the highest place; thus he might 
begin by being posterior hastatus of the loth cohort, then posterior 
hasiatus of the ^th, and so on to the ist cohort, after which he would 
he posterior princeps of the 10 cohorts in order, beginning with the loth, 
then posterior triarius in the same order, after this he would go through 
the 10 cohorts first as prior hastatusy then as prior princeps^ then as 
prior triarius^ reaching the highest point as prior triarius (or primi- 
pilus) of the first cohort. Another weli supported view is that a man 
did not go from one cohort to anotlier as here described, but passed 
through all the posts in one cohort at a time; thus he would be (i) 
posterior hastatus^ (^) prior hcutatus^ (3) posterior princeps, (4) prior 
princepSf (5) posterior triarius^ (6) prior triarius in the loth cohort, and 
so on through the remaining cohorts, till, as before, he reached the 
highest post of prior triarits or primipilus of the first cohort. It 
should be remarked that each cohort was commanded by its senior 
centurion, that is, by its prior triarius (prinUpilus). In the present 
passage hastato appears to be used for manipulo hastatorum^ and the 
meaning is that Fulginius ^belonged to' (ex) the first maniple of the 
hastatii that is, he was the prior hasteUus of the first cohort; on 
the other hand T. Caecilius, mentioned directly after, was the primi 
pili centurio (^primipilus)^ that is, the highest of all the centurions 
of the legion, The chief authorities on this difficult subject are given by 
I^r H. Schiller in his XriegsaltertUmei \n M.^V«'s HacwdbMcb.. 

CAPP. xLvi. — xLViii.] NOTES, 117 

ex inferioribus ordinibus\ *from the lower posts*: ordo here means 
the post of centurion, sometimes the centurion himself is called ordo, 
It is not quite clear whether Caesar means it to be inferred that 
Fulginius was promoted at once to be prior hastatus without going 
through all the intermediate gradations. Possibly the gradual advance- 
ment described above was chiefly theoretical, and not ahvays adhered to 
in practice. 

Chap. XLVII. 

I op%nid\ with genitive means the general opinion or belief about a 
thing, and so comes often to mean ^reputation', cp. B. G. 11. 24 quorum 
inUr Gallos virtutis opinio est singularis, 

existimarenf] observe the historic present prcufertur foUowed by the 
imperfect; cp. 48 § i cooritur ut...constaret» 
a esse] there is no need for esse here and I suspect from its awkward 
position that it is an interpolation. 

initio] *at the outset': with ab initio (Paul) the meaning would be 
*from the outset*. 

guae] one would expect gui referring to tumuium, but the relative is 
attracted by the noun of the predicate; cp. B. G. 11. i Belgas quam 
tertiam esse GcUiiae partem dixeramus, where quos would be more 

3 horis] see note on 46 § i . 

ex loco superiore] to be taken closely with terga vertere *to retreat 
from their higher position*. 

4 illi\ the troops of Afranius. 
tumulum] the Puig Bordel. 

Chap. XLVIII. 

I biduo] 28 Junc, assuming the battle to have been on the 36th. 

For the ablative of *time in the course of which' cp. Roby § 1182, 

Cic. p. Rosc. Am. 20 quatriduo quo haec gesta sunt res ad Chrysogonum 


P« 27« aquas] *floods*, cp. Liv. xxiv. 9 aquae magnae bis eo anno 


constaret] for the tense cp. existimarent 47 § 1. 
a tum autem] *on this occasion moreover*: autem serves to add 
something to the preceding statement; not only was there a great 
rainfall, but there was also the melting of the snow. 

ii8 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

proluit'] *washes down*, in the form of water: cp. Lucan iv. 83 
iamque Pyrmaeae quas nunquam solvere Titan \ evaluit fluxere nives^ 
fractoque madescunt \ saxa gelu. The whole of Lucan's rather turgid 
description of this storm and flood should be read. 

3 ut supra] Caesar had not expressly stated before that his camp 
was between two rivers, but a glance at the map will show that it 
was so. 

Cingam] the Cinga (now Cinca) joins the Segre on the right about 
5 or 6 miles from the junction of the latter with the Ebro, or perhaps 
it would be more correct to say, following Lucan iv. ai foll., that the 
Segre joins the Cinca. Between them lies for the most part a level 
plain, Lucan iv. 19 explicat hinc tellus campos effusa patentes \ vix oculo 
prendente modum, To this plain Caesar was now confined, as each 
river was too swoUen for 30 miles of its course to admit of being 
crossed. There are said to be traces of a brook which in such weather 
might easily become a torrent, running through Caesar*s lines, cp. Lucan 
IV. 87 iam naufraga campo \ Caesaris arma natant impulsaque gurgite 
mulio I ccutra labant; to this watercourse Lucan may refer in the words 
medius dirimit tentoria gurges iv. 18, where tentoria may be Caesar's 

4 veniehant] *were on their way\ 

5 frumenta] the standing crops, to be distinguished from frumentum : 
cp. B. G. VI. 29 cum maturescere frumenta inciperent, and elsewhere. 

hibernis] at first sight this does not seem to suit frumenta (*standing 
crops*), but the ^^lar^ frumenta may be conditioned by the following 
clause neque multum a mctturitcUe aberant. I therefore hesitate to 
accept herbis the ingenious conjecture of Hellebodius : cp. M. Cato in 
A. Gellius XIII. 18 nunc ita aiunt^ in segetibuSy in herbis bona frumenta 
esse (qu. by Davies) : 'on the one hand, the corn was not in the 
green blade, so as to be good for forage; and, on the other, it was not 
ripe enough to supply food for men'. (Moberley.) 

exinanitae] *impoverished*. 

reliqut] partitive genitive afler quid, practically the same as si quid 
relictum fuerat. 
7 Uvis armcUurae] a genitive of description after Lusitani ; cp. 83 § 5 
Germanos levis armaturae. 

cetrati] see note on 39 § i . 

proclive] properly 'sloping*, 'downhill*, hence 'easy', 'natural': in 
this derived sense we use the word 'proclivity*. 

fu^i/] this ^uod, as in 44 § 3, shows how easily and imperceptihly 

CAPP. XLViii. — Li.] NOTES. 119 

the neuter relative becomes the conjunction ; it might be either : in both 
passages a further explanation is added by an ut clause. 

utribu$\ cp. Livy xxi. 27 quoted by KH. Bladders are still used 
for the same purpose in uncivilised countries. 

Chap. XLIX. 

1 suppetebat\ suppetere *to be in stock', *to be at hand^ is used in 
four other places in Caesar with copia^ and twice with vires for subject. 

2 integrd\ *untouched'. 

qu6\ referring to locay *to which* in sense of ad quae; cp. B. G. 
II. idin eum locum coniecisse, quo propter paludes exercitui culitus non 

omnino\ with non^ *quite not*, *was quite unable to approach*. 

Chap. L. 

p. 28« 1 permittcbat\ one must mentally supply some such words as 
ut eos reficeret. 

perjic%\ the subject is eos (meaning pontes) to be supplied from the 

2 fluminis natura\ because it flowed between steep banks. 

3 rapidissimo flumine] an ablative of attendant circumstances; *when 
the stream was so rapid *. 

Chap. LI. 

I habeant\ the mood shows tliat this clause is to be treated as a part 
of the message; had it been a direct statement by the writer hcUnnt 
would have been used. 

Rutenis\ they occupied a district corresponding more or less to the 
department of Avejrron north of the river Tam. Their chief town was 
Segodunum now Rodez. 

Gallia\ Gaul in general : the sagittarii came only from the Ruteni, 
but the cavalry were drawn from all parts of Gaul. 

/ert\ for this use ol ferre cp. B. G. IV. 32, vi. 7, viii. 12, etc. The 
number of cars and the amount of baggage would naturally mark the 
wealth and ostentation ol the Gallic equites as described by Caesar B. G. 
VI. 15; cp. Strabo iv. 4. 5. 

I20 DE BELLO CIVJLL [lib. i. 

2 cuiusque gmeris\ probably the genitive after hominum, *men of every 

cum.,,uterfiur\ *as each foUowed*, or 'each following'. 
superiorum] *using the license of former days and former journejrs*. 

3 senatorum,..equestris'] 'sons of senators and men of equestrian rank'; 
the phrase is in apposition to and in explanation of honesti adulescentes» 

fluminci\ the Segre and its tributary streams. 

4 sese...expediuni\ 'rally'. 

5 </Mm...^i?/f/fV] *so long as the struggle could be conducted on an equal 
footing*, i.e. so long as only cavalry were opposed to cavalry. 

sustinuere] 'one of the few passages where Caesar uses this form 
of the perfect', KH, who quote B. G. Iii. 21 vertere^ B. C. Iii. 63 § 6 

6 magnum...momentum\ *was of great moment for the safety of our 
men' : the resistance ofFered by the cavalry gave time for the main body 
to withdraw to the neighbouring heights. 

ra/^f//»] 'campfollowers'. 

impedimentoruni] probably 'beasts of burden* : cp. note on 40 § 3. 

Chap. LII. 

1 tamen\ *notwithstanding': the favourable circumstances mentioned 
at the end of the last chapter were counterbalanced by the serious dearth 
of provisions. But perhaps tum should be read for tamen, 

omnibus\ the neuter ablative is not often used for omnibus rebus; for 
instances see Draeger H. S. i. § 21, Reid on Cic. Am. § 23. 

quae...consuevit\ *a thing which invariably increases' (*grows 
worse'), *not merely from the present dearth but also from the fear for 
the future '. 

2 denarios L\ £t. i$s. $d,, the denarim being equal to 8J</. The 
market price of corn at this time seems to have been between 3 and 4 
sesterces for a modius^ that is, just under one denarius; cp. Cic. Verr. iii. 
§§ 163, 196. The Roman modius was about a quarter of a bushel. 
Plutarch Ant. 45 records a similar rise of prices during the disastrous 
Parthian campaign of Antonius in B.c. 36. 

)• 29« 3 et tam\ if the reading be right, tam may be taken either with 
paucis diebus 'in so few days', in which case the following ut must be 
considered as equivalent to ita ut 'so that'; or, notwithstanding the 
intervening paucis diebus^ with magna 'so great', in which case an ita 
must be mentally supplied with itulimxverat because tam cannot qualify 
verbs. The difficulty is obviated by altering et tam to fVa, as sugeeste^ 
bjr Meusel and Q,dopted by Pai|l. 

CAPP. LI. — LIV.] NOTES, 121 

tnclinaveraf^ a metaphor from the balance: 'the scale of fortnne had 
inclined': cp. Cic. Fam. il. i6 § i quiab excitata fortuna adinclinatatn 
et prope iacetitem desciscerem» 
4 minor] 'too small*. 

tutabaiur] it is not clear whether this means 'warded off', like 
defendebcU^ or *supported', like susteniabat^ nor can any example be 
quoted of either of these meanings for tutari, which properly means 
*to protect': hence Paul reads here susteniabat; cp. B. G. vii. 17 
pecore ex longinquioribus vicis adcuto exireniam fameni susteniarent ; 
B. C. III. 40 § I incpiam susieniabai, 

Chap. LIII. 

I pleniora] the comparatiye implies 'fuller than the truth', pleniora 
vero: translate 'an amplified and exaggerated account*: cp. II. 17 § 3 
hcuc ad suos latius atque inflatius Afranius perscribebat, 

1 multa rumore affingebantur\ 'rumour added many additional 
fictions'; cp. B. G. Vii. i addunt ipsi et affingunt rumoribus Galli 
quod res poscere videbatur» But the reading of the present passage is 

. very doubtfid. 

3 domum, Afraniutn\ equivalent to ad domum Afranii: the 
accusative domum is govemed by the idea of 'motion towards' conveyed 
by concursus fiebant, 

alii..Mii] *some'...*others', subdivisions of the mulH. 
principes] *the first*, like primi; cp. B. G. l. 41 princepsque decima 
legioper tribunos miliium ei gratias egit *first of all'. 

Chap. LIV. 

I militibus equitibusque] *infantry and cavalry' as in B« G. v. 10 
milites equiiesque in expeditionem misit, B. C. ili 47 § 2 cum ipsi numero 
equitum militumque praestarent. 

cuius generis]=eius generis quod *of the same kind as*. 

superioribus annis] 55 and 54, in which years Caesar made his two 
invasions of Britain. 

usus Britanniae] *his experience about (*in the matter of) Britain', 
a loosely constructed genitive, but not so harsh as itinere Asiae Syriat' 
que in 4 § 5 with which KH compare it. The phrase * experience of 
Britain' though apparently similar i^ really not quite paralleL 
% prima] *first', *initial', almost in the sense of *indispensable'. 

Staiumina] this and the verb staiuniinare are technical terms in 

122 DE BELLO CIVILL [ltb. i. 

building. The word seems here to mean the girders or ribs forming 
the bottom framework of the vessel. These were made of light timber 

viminibus contexturn\ 'wattled': these vessels though of similar 
structure were surely much larger than the Severn coracles with which 
Mr Moberley compares them. 

3 carris iunctis] two or more cars were joined together and the vessel 
carried on them, cp. 6i § 4 navibus iunctis. 

XXII] this distance would take them, according to Stoffel, to the 
little town of San Lorens on the right bank of the S^e. But how 
did these wagons cross the Noguera Rivagorzana, especially as it must 
have been more or less in flood ? And how on this long journey did 
they escape the notice of the enemy, when, as Caesar himself says, 
all the roads were beset by Afranius' horse and foot ? M. Stoffel ignores 
the difficulty. 

4 sentiattir] see note on 41 § 5. 

Chap. LV. 

p. 30. I traiecit] *threw across'; cp. 40 § 4 legiones III equitatumque 
omnem traiecit, 
3 procurrerat] see note on occurrit 40 § 4. 

eodem ponte] ablative of way or direction, of which there are four 
instances with pons in 40. 

Chap. LVL 

I Massilienses] the scene now shifts to Massilia, and the narrative is 
taken up from 36. 

naves iongae] war ships built for speed, in Greek vrjGi fjuiKpcUt opposed 
to onerariae * merchantmen *. 

tectae] 'decked', also called constratae as in iii. 101 § 2 : such ships 
were called in Greek KaTd<f)paKTot, and the deck itself KaTdffrpu/jLa, in 
Latin constratum. Open or undecked ships were &4>paKTotf apertcu, 
In addition to these 17 ships there were the 7 brought by Domitius, 
cp. 34 § 2. 
a huc]—adhas. 

^sa] *by the mere number*. 

CAPP. Liv. — Lviii.] NOTES, 123 

Aiduorum] cp. 34 § 4. 

3 colonis pastoribusque] 'small farmers and herdsmen', no doubt from 
his large estates in Italy, for which see 17 § 4, and cp. 34 § 2 profectum 
Domitium ad occupandam Massiliam navibus actuariis septem quas.., 
servis libertis colonis suis compleverat: so too Pompey servos pastores 
armat 24. § 1, 

D, Brutus] see 36 § 5. 

insu/am] probably the isle of Ratonneau just opposite the port. 

Chap. LVII. 

I antesignanos] see note on 43 § 3 : notice that the antesignani are 
here distinguished from the centuriones. 

id muneris] cp. id consilii B. G. vii. 5. 

depoposcerant] *had eamestly begged*. 
1 manus ferreas] *iron claws*, used for grapph*ng an enemy*s ship. 
They are said to have been used by the Romans in the first Punic war ; 
Florus I. 18 § 9: cp. Lucan iii. 6-^$ ferrea dum puppi rapidos manus 
inserit uncos \ adfixit Lycidam^ where the grappling-iron is said to have 
caught hold of a man by mistake and dragged him overboard. The 
harpagones were similar instruments, the diflference probably being that 
the harpago was merely a long pole with a hook at the end, while the 
manus had several finger-like claws: cp. B. G. vii. 81. KH point 
out that Brutus had used a similar device in the naval war with the 
Veneti in 56 b.c, see B. G. iii. 14. 

tragularum] a kind of javelin ; in B. G. i. 26 it is mentioned with 
the matara^ apparently a Gallic weapon. It is suggested that it had 
a barbed point. 

4 pollicitationeni] the singular of this word is rare and does not occur 
elsewhere in Caesar. 

P« 31« probare operam] *to approve their zeal*. 

Chap. LVIII. 

I confisi] see notes on 12 § 3, 42 § 3. 

eorum] refeis of course to nostros: it might have been omitted with- 
out injuring the sense. 

excipiebant] 'parried'; cp. B. G. III. 5 tantum modo teta missa 
exciperent; I. 52 impetus gladiorum exceperunt, I see no reason to 
alter the text. 

124 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

quoad\ *so long as': cp. B. G. IV. 12 quoad potuit fortissime restitit ; 
elsewhere in Caesar quaadmesLHS 'until*. 

detergcre\ *sweep off*; the oars in an ancient man-of>war could not 
be 'shipped' as readily as in a small rowing boat. Florus i. 18 § 8 
uses detorquere remos apparently in a similar sense. 

3 cum...tum'\ for cum.,.tum 'not only...but also ' connecting two verbs, 
cp. B. G. V. 4 quod cum merito eius a se Jieri inteUegebat tum magni 
interesse arbitraiatur ; vii. 23 cum...est...tum...habet ; Caes. ap. Cic. 
Att. IX. 6 § 2 atque ego cum ex ipsa re magnam capio voluptcUem, tum 
meum factum probari abs te triumpho gaudio : more often it is used 
with two contrasted substantives as in B. G. vi. 30 multum cum in 
omnibus rebus tum in re- militari potest fortuna : sometimes etiam is 
added to emphasise the tumt cp. 62 § 2 cum a/titudine aquae tum etiam 
raplditate fluminis. 

nequedum.,.cognitis\ 'inasmuch as they did not yet know even the 
names of the various tackle'. The clause is suspected by some editors 
of being a gloss. 

usum celeritatis\ celeritatis is a defining genitive explaining in what 
the usus consists, 'the same handiness in point of speed'. But KH take 
it rather differently, 'the usefiilness which speed gives'. 

4 dum\ 'provided that'; not elsewhere so used in Caesar. 

diverst\ 'on opposite sides'; one of Caesar^s ships grappled two of 
the Massilian ships, and so the crew of the former had to sustain a 
conflict in two directions, a hostile crew being on each side of them. 
It was in this battle that a centurion of the Xth l^on named C Acilius, 
having lost his right hand while boarding one of the enemies' ships, 
seized his sword in his left hand and fought gallantly on till the crew 
surrendered. The story is told by Plutarch Caes. 16, Suet. Caes. 68, 
Valerius Maximus lii. 2. 22. 

cum eis, quae sunt captae\ ' including those that are captured '. The 
form of expression is extremely awkward and the text is probably 
corrupt. From il. 5 § 1 we leam that six ships were captured, hence 
Paul ingeniously suggests naves Massiliensium Domitiique sunt captae 
Vlt intereunt IX. In 57 § 4 the proper name Domitii is corrupted in 
the Mss into indomiti. 

Chap. LIX. 

f nuntiatur\ the date of this sea-fight may be determined with 
sufficient precision. It has been assumed that the flood at Ilerda 
hegan 28 Jnne, cp. 48 § i ; it lasted several days, 50 § i hae perman- 

CAPP. Lviii.— LX.] NOTES, 125 

serunt aqtiae dies compluresy say from 7 to 10 days, which would bring 
us to July 6 — 9. The construction of the boats probably began rather 
earlier, say 3 July, and must have occupied 3 or 4 days; then came 
the construction of Ihe bridge which occupied 7. days, 54 § 4 pontem 
instituitt ifidtio perficit, It was apparently just when the bridge was 
being constructed that the news of the sea-fight at Marseille reached 
Caesar, that is, not before 6 July. Communication between the two 
places being no doubt difficult we may safely allow a week for the 
messenger^s joumey, so that we shall not be far out in supposing the 
battle to have taken place at the end of June. 
celeriter'] to be taken with mutatur, 

2 a/ias...a/ias] *at one another time'; in 64 § i we find 
nonnunquam...alias: cUias means 'elsewhere* only in post-Augustan 

longo...spatio'\ not longum spatium which, as accusative of extent, 
might have been expected with the verb of motion progredi; but the 
writer here emphasises not so much the extent of distance traversed 
as the point at which the advance ceased, which may be expressed 
by translating *staying their advance at no great distance from the 
camp \ 

angustius] *within narrow limits'. 

3 custodias stationesque"] 'pickets and outposts'. 

ex medio itinere] to be taken vfiih /ugiedant : *they at once broke 
off their march, flung away their baggagCi and fled '. 

Chap. LX. 

p. 32» 1 Oscenses] the inhabitants of Osca, now Huesca, a town about 
60 miles N.W. of Lerida. 

Calagurritant] Calagurris, now perhaps represented by Loarre, a 
small town on the Sierra de Sobrarbe about 20 miles N.W. of Huesca. 
There was another aud more important Calagurris, now Calahorra, on 
the Ebro in the province of Logrono. 

contributi] *poIiticaIly associated' : the exact nature of the association 
is unknown, probably the Calagurritani were vassals or tributaries of 
the Oscenses. 
1 Tarraconenses] the people of Tarraco, now Tarragona, on the £. 

lacetani] a tribe occupying the east littoral north of the Ebro. 

126 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

Au5etani\ a tribe dwelling on the soutliern slopes of the Pyrenees 
above the lacetani. 

Illurgavonenses\ another coast tribe S. of the Ebro. 

4 cohors^ a cohort of the IUurgavonenses serving under Afranius. 
signa transferf\ a regular phrase of a body of troops transferring 

themselves firom one side in war to another; cp. i 24 § 3 signa ad 
Curiutn transferunt atque ad eutn transeuntt where, as here, transire is 
also used ; 74 § 3 <f^ statim signa translaturos confirmant» 

magna...rerum'\ the clause is abrupt and harsh without a verb. 
Possibly fit should be inserted before magna^ having been absorbed by 
the last syllable of transfert, I am not inclined to omit the whole clause 
as some editors do. 

5 quinque] the Oscenses and the Calagurritani count as one. 
auxiliis legionum^ not the auxiliary troops belonging to the legions, 

but in a more general sense, 'reinforcements of legions', *reinforcing 

dicebantur^ see 39 § 3. 

Chap. LXI. 

1 idoneum locum\ the authorities are agreed that the spot in question 
is to be sought at a distance of from 2 to 4 kilom^tres above Ilerda ; 
cp. 64 § 8 where the circuit by the ford from Caesar*s camp to the river 
bank opposite Ilerda is reckoned at 6 miles (5) English miles). The 
bed of the river here broadens out, and the stream flows for the most 
part in one main and two or more subsidiary channels, leaving hefe and 
there stretches of exposed river bed. As to the method however by which 
the derivation of the stream was effected, the authorities differ seriously. 
Goler and Stoffel suppose that Caesar*s ditches were dug from the main 
body of the stream, of equal depth with it, and were carried parallel to 
the river for some little distance, and then emptied into it again. These 
ditches, being only 30 ft. wide, could easily be crossed by planks, and 
the main stream, being thus diminished in volume, would be easily 
fordable. But Schneider, following Guischard, argues that a stream 
like the Segre flowing at the rate of 3 feet a second would not be 
appreciably lowered by such derivation of its waters, and that Caesar's 
work must have been of a more elaborate character. He supposes that 
on the right bank, where the level of the adjacent country is below the 
river bank, Caesar had a large basin dug about 6 ft. in depth, into 
whlch be diverted a considerable part (partem cUiquam) of the river by 

CAPP. LX. Lxi.] NOTES. 127 

several ditches increasmg in depth from 3 to 6 ft. A channel was then 
made to carry off the overflow from the basin into a smali tributary of 
the Noguera Rivagorzana. He calculates that by this means 3456000 
cubic feet of water would be drawn off in an hour, which would have 
the effect of reducing the main stream in a few hours by about 2 feet 
and so rendering it fordable. His calculations, based on those of 
Guischard and of Baron d'Arletan, who prepared them for Frederick the 
Great, are interesting and curious. 
1 perveniunt\ the nearest parallel to this use of pervenire in Caesar is 
B. G. V. 45 res ad paucitatem defensorum pervenerat^ vii. 6. Generally 
it is used of a literal arrival. 

multum...valebat'\ an adverbial accusative, cp. /11^70 diivaaOtu *to 
have power in a great degree ', * to be very powerful * : note that 
magnum valere is not good latin. 

locis excedere\ * to quit the district * ; there is no need to add «j. 

Celtiberiam\ cp. 38 § 3. 

3 suffragabatur\ * favoured ', a sense derived from the literal meaning * to 
vote for *. The word is frequent in Cicero, but does not occur elsewhere 
in Caesar. 

generibus] * classes ', that is, of states. 

superiore bello\ 80 — 72 B.c. ; cp. 29 § 3. 

hic\ in Celtiberia, where they were intending to go. 

suis locis\ * in a place of their own choosing * : suus in this sense of 
•favourable to oneself* is not uncommon; cp. Horace Epod. xi. 30 
ventis iturus non suis. Kortte qu. by Stoffel il. 347 says sua loca 
tunt sibi opportuna et quae vel optaverity vel elegerit sibi ad pugnam, 

bellum in hiemem ducere\ Stoffel has a long excursus, ii. 365 — 384, 
on bellum trahere and bellum ducere^ arguing that the former means 
simply * to prolong the war*, while bellum ducere farther implies putting 
off the decisive battle, or carrying on a defensive warfare. 

4 conquirere\ the subject of conquirere is indefinite and not expressed, 
* order peoph to search * ; then with the second verb adduci the subject 
is changed, *order them (the ships) to be brought*: but perhaps conquiri 
should be read. There is a somewhat similar change in B. G. VI i. 
73 erat eodem tempore et materiari et frumentari (deponents) et tanta^ 
munitiones fieri (passive) necesse. 

Octogesam] the place is mentioned nowhere else and its exact site is 
much disputed. Schneider places it at Flix on the right bank of the 
Ebro nearly due south of L^rida, while Stoffel following the earlier 
writers confidently identifies it with Mequinenza on the left. hwNJe^^:^^ ^Jsiss. 

128 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

Ebro and on the right of the Segre in the angle formed by their junction. 
G61er places it on the left of the Ebro, near Almatret, about half way 
between Mequinenza and Flix. So far as I know, Mr Moberley stands 
alone in assuming it to have been in the angle formed by the two rivers 
just opposite Mequinenza. On the whole I incline to Stoffers view 
rather than Schneider*s. Goler appears to have been misled by inferior 
maps : see Schneider's * Kritik der Spezialkarten *. 
p, 33. XXX\ the MSS have XX ^ but all editors agree that XXX should 
be read, that being just the distance of Mequinenza from Ilerda, while 
Flix would be at least as far. 

traducun£\ by the stone bridge at Ilerda. 

C€Lstr<i\ an entrenched camp for the two legions that had just crossed 
the Segre. This probably took place 21 July. In order to ascertain 
these dates we have to work back from the fixed date of the final 
capitulation 2 August. The subject will be considered later. 

Chap. LXII. 

I summo labore\ ablative of manner. 

continuato...opere\ ablative absolute 'continuing his task*. 
influmine avertendd\ we should say *of diverting the river* : avertere 
is similarly used of diverting a stream in B. G. viii. 40, B. C iii. 49 


deduxercU] the MSS have reduxerat^ but rem deducere is a constant 
phrase in Caesar 5 cp. 4 § 5, 5 § 5, 19 § 3, 70 § 2. 

difficulter atque aegre\ aegre brings out the notion of wearisome 
vexatious toil more than difficulter does : aegre is similarly used in 
reference to the crossing of a river in B. G. i. 13, v. 18. . 

possent..,auderent\ cp. B. G. iv. 16 et posse et audere,.,Rhenum 
transire, below 64 § 3 posse et audere ea transire flumen. 
4 exstarent] cp. B. G. v. 18 cum capite solo ex aqua exstarent; Verg. 
Georg. III. 370 summis vix cornibus exstant, 

ad transeundum\ this ad after words denoting impediment is frequent ; 
cp. B. G. VII. 26 and 67 ad insequendum tardabat; see above 25 § 9 
ad defendendum impediretury iii. 75 § 3 moram ullam ad insequendnm 

cum.„tum\ see note on 58 § 3. 
3 reperiebatur\ * was being found ' : while Caesar was making the river 
fordable news reached him of the approaching completion of the bridge 
over the Ebio» 

CAPP. Lxi. — Lxiv.] NOT£S. 129 

Chap. LXIII. 

1 relinquebatur] *no other course was left for Caesar but to annoy* etc. 
This use of the word is common in Caesar, cp. 29 § 2. 

male Aaderet] * injure *, * annoy * : ma/e haberi is a suggested reading 
in 81 § 5. 

carperei] 'harass* by repeated attacks ; the word seems to have been 
a regular term of warfare: cp. Lucan iv. 155 iamque agmina summa 
carpit equesy where agmina summa is the same as Caesar's novissimum 

ipsius] *his own* bridge, opposed to the bridge at Ilerda by which 
the enemy had crossed. 

habebat] *involved*. 
3 cum\ *although*. 

de tertia vigilid\ reckoning the night at this time of the year (towards 
the end of July, corresponding to middle or end of June) as lasting from 
8 to 4, the time here denoted would be 12 to 2 a.m. 

morari] *to hinder (them)', used without an object expressed ; but 
if, with Paul, we transpose iter to follow impedire, then of course iter 
will be the object of both verbs. 

Chap. Lxrv. 

1 superioribus locis] perhaps the hill of Malpas, close to the hill of 
Gardeny and to Caesar's camp. 

sustinere] I print the passage as it stands in the Mss, but it needs 
correction. KH's translation, bisweilen halt der Nachtrab Stand, wird 
aber durchbrochen etc. , scarcely represents the latin : the insertion of vix 
or aegre before or after nonnunquam would restore sense and would 
closely correspond to B. G. IV. 32 suos CLb hostibus premi atque aegre 
sustinere animadvertU, Every carefid reader will notice how often 
Caesar reproduces his own phrases. sustinae meaning * to hold out ' is 
fairly common. Mr E. S. Thompson su^gests sustineri *to be pulled 
up', 'held up\ 

atque interrumpt] *and even separated * (*broken off') *from the 
rest '. 

2 inferri signci] *standards are advanced *, i.e. for a charge. 
universarum] * in a body ', when they were no longer interruptae. 

The whole army probably took part in these charges on the cavalry, not 
merely all the cohorts of the rcarguard. 
conversos] Crcsnx*s cavalry. 

BEU CJV. 1. ^ 

130 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

3 circulari\ 'gather in groups*. 

dolere\ ' express their indignation* j dolor is often to be translated 
by * indignation ' lather than * grief *. 

necessario iongius duci] in ail passages in Caesar where necessario 
occurs with a comparative the two words have to be taken separately ; 
cp. B. G. V. «3 necessario an^stius^ vii. i6 longius necessario, above 
58 § 2 cum propius erat necessario ventum *■ whenever they had necessarily 
come nearer *, below 65 § 3 necessario maturius : hence translate here 
not * longer than was necessary * but * necessarily for a longer time * : 
Caesar's men saw at once that by the escape of the enemy from Ilerda 
the war was necessarily being unduly prolonged. Nipperdey not under- 
standing this inserts non before necessario. 
p. 34. certior fieret^ ne\ for this final clause after certiorfieri cp. B. G. III. 
5 milites certiores facit paulisper intermitterent praelium^ vii. i de 
senatusque consulto certior factus ut omnes...coniurarent^ both qu. by 
KH. Translate 'that they should assure Caesar that he was not to 
spare ' etc. 

posse et audere"] cp. note on 62 § i. 

4 studio et vocibtts] * the enthusiastic language *. 

6 iumentoruni] a line of horsemen was stretched across the river above 
and below the ford : above, in order to break the force of the current ; 
below, to catch any soldiers who might be swcpt away. The cavalry 
were all gone in pursuit of the enemy ; hence Caesar had to mount his 
raen on the packhorses iumenta, nevertheless they are spoken of 
directly after as equitcUus. 
1 abrepti vi fiuminis] a conjectural restoration of the corrupt arma in 

sttdlevantur] 'lifted up', *supported': cp. in a somewhat similar 
sense B. G. i. 48 tanta erat horum exercitatione celeritas, ut iubis 
equorum sublevati cursum adaequarent, 
8 milium sex] see note on 61 § i. 

addito] the Mss have addUo cut vadum ; the last two words were 
possibly a gloss : if, with most editors, we insert them before fiuminis 
it will be another illustration of ad after words denoting hindrance ; cp. 
62 §3. 

qui.,.exissent] the relative is slightly concessive, hence the sub- 

horam diei IX] the Romans divided the day from sunrise to sunset 

into 12 hours; at this time of year the day would be about 16 hours 

/on^, so that the RoiDan hour would be about ij hour; hence the 

CAPP. LXiv. — Lxvi.] NOTES. 131 

ninth hour would be about 2.45 — 4 P.M., and the troops must have 
overtaken the enemy between 1 and 3 p.m. 

Chap. LXV. 

1 locis superioribus\ the exact iocality cannot now be determined, but 
it was probably on the heights about 4 miles from the left bank of the 
Segre nearly halfway between Ilerda and Octogesa. 

constilit^ the change from the perfect to the present instruit is not 
unexampled ; KH qu. 40 § 2 reliquit,..proficiscitur^ 70 § 3 confecit.,, 
instruit : but Caesar may have written consistit. 

2 re/ecit] *refreshed*, by giving them a rest. The MSS have refecit, 
but Caesar very likely wrote reficit which would suit obicicU better. 

3 necessario maturius] * necessariiy earlier '; see note on 64 § 3. 
eftim] this gives the reason not for their halting where they did, but 

for their desire to advance ; it must he taken therefore as referring back 
to guam constituerant. They wanted to get to the mountains to avoid 
the cavalry and withdraw by the difficult passes to the other side of the 

momes] M. Maneu and the cliain of hills stretching east and west 
along the lefl l>ank of the Ebro. 

itittera difici/ia] Stoffel supposes that by this is meant the defile of 
Rivarroja beginning just below the village of Mayals and leading straight 
down to the Ebro ; it is afterwards spoken of as angustiae 66 § 2, 67 § i. 
He thinks that Afranius, who had originally intended to withdraw to 
Octogesa by skirting M. Manen and following the ridge of the Sierra de 
Campells, now, finding himself hard pressed by Caesar, abandoned this 
intention and proposed to seek refuge in this narrow gorge of Rivarroja 
where it would be impossible for Caesar safely to follow him. 

excipiedant] 'took up' here in the sense of 'came next', 'succeeded*; 
cp. 66 § 4 inde excipere loca aspera et montuosa. 
5 quod.,.efficiendum] ' which in fact they ought to have attempted and 
carried out by every means in their power*. 

totius diei] perhaps 35 July. 

Chap. LXVI. 

'I aquamii] all this part of the country is without springs and extremely 
dry : the present inhabitants make use of reservoirs (StofTel). 
]k 35* 2 signum] by blowing a trumpet. 

vasa,.,conclamaH] the correct singulax T/osum S& o^^ Vs»a:o^\a.^«Sic\ 

132 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

latin and was supplanted by vas, The word denotes all the various 
apparatus of a camp ; tents, baggage, etc. According to Polybius vi. 
40, when a camp was broken up three signals were given ; at the first 
the packing up began ; at the second, the baggage ready packed was 
placed on the waggons or beasts, and at the third the army began to 
move. The word condamari must refer to the human voice and not to 
the sound of an instrument, cp. III. 105 § 3 tantus exercitus clamor et 
sigiiorum sonus : no doubt when the trumpet sounded at the general's 
headquarters the necessary orders were given in a loud voice by the 
officers all over the camp to their men, and it is to this shouting that the 
word applies. For the whole expression cp. III. 37 § 4 «^ conclamatis 
quidem vasis^ 38 § i vasisque militari more conclamatis: often we find 
vasa colligere uscd of moving camp, as in Liv. xxi. 47. Probably the 
order was given in the words vasa coUigite^ or simply vasa. 

exaudito clamore] 'having caught the sound of the shouting': for this, 
the usual meaning of exaudire, cp. B. G. VI. 39 with my note. 

aui^ * or else ': aut ne marks the alternative more clearly than neve. 

3 postero die^ presumably 26 July. 

hoc idem] a similar reconnaissance is made by Caesar. 

L. Decidius Sctxa] tribune u.C. 43, when he left the city to join 
Antony. He took a prominent part subsequently in the civil war, and 
wliile serving as Antony's legate in Syria in 40 was defeated and slain by 
an irruption of the Parthians, who were assisted {quifuror scelerum I as 
Florus says ii. 18 § 4) by the Roman Labienus. According to another 
account he committed suicide. Cicero often speaks of him with ab- 
horrence in the Philippics, cp. Phil. xi. 12 accedit Saxa nescio quis, quem 
nobis Caesar ex ultima Celtiberia tribunum plebis dedity castrorum antea 
metator^ nunc, ut sperat^ urbis. 

4 quinque..,campestris\ *the next intervening 5 miles afforded a march 
over easy ground'. The word campestris must not be too strictly 
interpreted; there was no level plain in the neighbourhood, but the 
ground might be called campestris as opposed to the rugged mountainous 
district l^ring 5 miles south. 

excipere] see note on 65 § 3. 

qui\ we should expect uter 'whichever of the two*, as in 70 § i utri 
prius angusticu montesque occuparent: cp. B. G. V. 44 hi...controversias 
hahebant^ quinam anteferretur, 

nihil...negotii] *no trouble', *an easy task': *it would be an easy 
task for the one who should first occupy these defiles to keep thc enemy 
at bay \ 

CAPP. Lxvi. Lxvii.] NOTES, 133 

Chap. LXVII. 

1 e(mstlio\ *a council of war', cp. ii. 30 § i quihus de catisis consilio 
convocato» A council of this kind usually consisted of the legati^ the 
tribnni militum and the centurioftes, 

tetnpus profectionis guaeritur] we should say * they discuss the proper 
time for departure*: lit. *they look for', 'enquire about*: cp. 74 § 2, 
II. 14 % i af hostes sine fide tempus aique occasionem fraudis ac doli 
quaerunt ; B. G. VII. 37 raiio perficiendi quaeritur; Viii. 47 consilia 
beili quaerentibus, 

censebant, ut} Caesar has censere with ut 5 times, and wiih gerundial 
construction 9 times. 
1 pridie noctu] * the day before at night ', i.e. • the previous night * : see 
helow prima liice postridie *early the next moming*. 

quod^.esset] 'the fact that the cry had been raised *; there is no need 
for Caesar to specify what the cry was. 

3 timori...consu/erel *pay regard to their fears rather than the obliga- 
tion of their oath ' : soldiers took an oath of allegiance sacramentum to 
their commander. In a civil war, when they were fighting against their 
fellow citizens, they would not feel this oath so binding on their 
consciences as if they were Bghting against enemies of the republic. 

4 at lucem\ I print this difficult sentence as it stands in the Mss with 
the trifling change of ad to at. But the words omnium oculis give no 
satisfactory sense, and Paurs insertion of sub before oculis does not help 
us much. Possibly some such words as intentis ad pugnam have fallen 
out before omnium oculis^ the repeated pu of pudorem and pugnam 
having caused the cop)rist*s eye to stray : cp. B. G. iii. 16 omnium oculis 
mentibusque ad pugnam intentis, Translate * but the daylight of itself 
brings with it a considerable sense of honour, when the battle is waged 
before ihe eyes of all ; much too is aflforded by tlie presence of ihe 
military tribunes and the centurions '• 

quibus rebus] loosely referring to the conditions mentioned in the 
previous sentence — the public gaze and the presence of the officers. 

quibus.,.so/ean/] notice that Caesar might well have written miliies 
(accusative) and solere^ this being one of those relative clauses in oratio 
obliqua in which some new remark is subjoined about a person or thing 
already mentioned, so that qui practically equals et is. Possibly however 
he uses quibus rebus in a slightly causal sense, equivalent to cum eis 
rebust and not in the mercly connective sense of et eis rebus, On such 
sentences see Reid on Cic. Acad. I. 41 ; cp. B. G, vvu "V^ quod ^•uiwrum 

134 I^^ BELLO CIVILL [lib. l 

5 omni riUione\ 'by all means', 'if they possibly could'; cp. 65 §5 
omni raiione efficiendum» 

eisi.,,detrimentd\ for etsi with ablative absolute instead of a finite 
verb cp. III. 95 § i etsi tnagno aestu,,Jamen,,.parueruntf the only other 
example in Caesar. 

summa exercitus saha] 'the army as a whole uninjured*; for the 
noun summa cp. 31 § 6 summa rerum^ %i %-^ad suminam victoriae (?)• 
Translate * though they might sustain some loss, yet they could attain 
the position they sought without injury to the army as a whole ' ; and 
compare the very similar sentence in B, G. vi. 34 non in summa 
exercitus tuenda...sed in singulis militibus conservandis, 

6 postridie\ this would apparently be 27 July. 

Chap. LXVIII. 

1 aJbente caeld\ the phrase was first used by the historian Sisenna who 
died B.c. 57 ; Quintilian viii. 5. 35. It only occurs here in Caesar, but 
is twice used by the author of the B. Af. 11 and 80. Hence the French 


magfto circuitit] to effect his object of cutting off the enemy from 

the Ebro Caesar had recourse to a stratagem. He evacuated his camp 

early in the moming, quitting it by the gate on the right hand to one 

looking north, and proceeded down the slope of the hill in the direction 

of Ilerda; then he suddenly turned to the right and marched under 

cover of the hills over extremely rugged ground in a southerly direction. 

By-and-bye the Afranians to their dismay beheld him on some rising 

ground already slightly in advance of their own position. Then began 

the race towards the Ebro described in 70. 

nullo certo itinere] • by no clearly marked route '. 

P« 36* castris hostium oppositis] a kind of ablative absolute merging into 

an instrumental ablative; 'were biocked by the interposition of the 

eneniy*s camp * : cp. B. G. Viil. 16 discessum hostium animadvertere non 

poterat incendiis oppositis, 

2 tpsi] *he himself, used to emphasise the strong contrast between his 
position and theirs. 

per manus] 'from hand to hand': cp. B. G. vil. 95 per manus 

traditcu glebast viii. 1 5 per manus inter se traditos, The emperor Gaius, 

in his disgracefiil flight across the Rhine, impatiens morae per manus ac 

super capita hominum translatus est ; being stopped by the crowd on the 

bridge be had himself handed over the heads of the people. Suetonius, 

Gaius gi. 

CAPP. Lxvii. — Lxix.] NOTES. 135 

sublevaii] * supported *, cp. 64 § 7. 
ititfrcludere\ *cut off'. 
potuissmt'] * should prove able *. 

Chap. LXIX. 

i prosequebanturl 'pursued our men with insulting cries*: prosequi 
aliquem aliqua re is to accompany or escort a person with something ; 
generally it is used in a more favourable sense than here, cp. B. G. Ii. 5 
Caesar Remos cohortatus liberaliterque oratione prosecutus, 

necessarii.„revert{] the accusative and infinitive clause represents the 
substance of their cries. 

videbaiurl they appeared at first to be going towards Ilerda, but 
afterwards wheeled round and marched southward. 
1 consilium...ferebant\ ' extolled their own policy*: cp. iil. 87 § i 
cum,„Fompei consilium summis laudibus efferret, Very likely efferebant 
should be read here. 

quod...videbant1 'the fact that they saw'; this is the subject of 

ad iier profectoi\ * starting for their joumey * : Paul alters cul iier to ab 
Herdat forgetting that viJerani would then be almost certainly required 
instead of videbani, 

3 reiorqueri] it is not quite clear how much bf Caesar*s march was in 
view of the Afranians ; if it be supposed that the whole of it from the 
moment of leaving the camp was executed in their sight, the last part of 
my note on magno circuitu 68 § r must be modified accordingly. I 
think it probable however that Cacsar's column when it first wheeled 
to the right was under cover of the hills and so out of sight of the 
enemy. In that case the words retorqiteri ad dextram will refer not to 
the initial stage of the southward movement, but to the subsequent 
gradual reappearance of the column moving towards the right over the 
rising ground. 

primos] the vanguard. 

superare regioiiem castrorum] ' passing by (outflanking) the site qf 
their own camp *. 

fiAgiens laboris] ^his genitive after fugiens is not quoted from any 
other classical author. ft may be compared with such expressions as 
Hor. Od. II. 9. 18 desine mollium tandem querelarum^ Roby § 1338 ; 
see also for other somewhat similar genitives Roby §§ 1318, 1330. 

4 conclamatur ad armcC\ " the shout pf * tp arms * is raised " •« c?^. ^^^'^v 

136 DE BELLO CIVILL [ub. 1. 

Od. I. 35. 14 neu populus frefums \ cul arma cessantes^ad arma \ concUei 

Chap. LXX. 

a deductci\ *matters had however come to such a pass with the 
Afranians ' : for res deducta see 62 § i. 

ipsi\ the two contrasted clauses beginning respectively with ipsi and 
impedimenta would be marked in Greek by fikv and 5^ : tr. ' while they 
themselves would avoid danger, they would be unable to rescue the 
ba^^age' etc. 

quibus interc/usis] probably a dative after auxiliumferri but possibly 
ablative absolute. 
3 ex\ * after crossing *, * immediately after leaving * ; cp. 11 % ^ ex 
praetura * immediately after his praetorship *, 

planUiem\ a small plain called Enviure close to the village of 
P* 37« 4 cetratorum] see note on 39 § i. 

montem] M. Stoffel remarks that there is not a single hill in the 
whole country to which such an expression as that of Caesar's gui erat 
in conspectu omnium excelsissimus can be applied except to M. Maneu. 
Though not very lofty, its height being about 1380 ft., it dominates the 
whole prospect and is visible from Ilerda. Afranius, being now inter- 
cepted by Caesar and so prevented from retreating by the gorge of 
Rivarroja, changes his plans and endeavours to withdraw on Octogesa by 
way of M. Maneu and the Sierra de Campells. 

iugis] * by way of the hills ', cp. B. G. vii. 45 collibus circumvehi 
and directly after legionem unam eodem iugo mittit : Roby § 1 176. 
5 obliquo itinere] their route is called * oblique ' because they tumed 
off sharply to the left and almost at right angles to the line of battle. 

minimam partem temporis] * for ever so short a time * : cp. B. G. V. 
7 magnampartem omnis temporis, 

Chap. LXXI. 

I id]id anticipates the foUowing clause tanto...posse, 
sustinere] *hold out * ; cp. 64 § i. 

cum,..confligeretur] *since the conflict was being fought* : it is true 

that Afranius was posted on an eminence, cp. 70 § 4 collem qtundam 

ffa^/us and below § $ de colle non decederet^ but the general character o| 

CAPP. Lxix. — Lxxii.] NOTES. 137 

the immediately surrounding country was level, and the hill was 
apparently a small and isolated one. Round it swarmed Caesar's 

ex omnibus partibus] ' from all quarters ' : two MSS omit ex, but it 
is doubtful whether omnibus partibus could here be used in the sense of 
* on all accounts * ; cp. Cic. Fin. V. 93 vitam omnibus partibus plus 
habere semper boni quam mali, 

2 legati\ these three classes of officers, legates, centurions and military 
tribunes, formed the usual council of war. 

3 multis rebus] * in many wa^rs *. 

signa misisse] * had exhibited signs * ; cp. Verg. Georg. I. «29 Aaud 
obscura cadens mittet tibi signa Bootes; Lucr. I. 874 fruges.,,mittere 
signum sanguinis: I hardly understand why Madvig Adv. ii. 265 
objects to misisse here and wants to read dedisse or iam dedisse. 

decederent] *were not coming down', notice change of tense from 

signa servarent] owing to the narrow space the several legions were 
crowded tc^ether in confusion instead of being drawn up in line under 
their own colours. 

4 iniquitatem loct] this phrase, which is frequent in Caesar, means 
' inequality of site ' and is used where, of two opposing forces, one 
occupies a position of advantage, in respect of elevation, over the 

aliquo loco] I see no reason for altering aliquo to aequo as Madvig 
does Adv. 11. 265, with the further change of tamen to iam, The 
implied argument of the soldiers is * granted that it may not be wise to 
fight while Afranius occupies the hill, yet he must come down soon, and 
then we shall certainly find some place to fight in '• 

Chap. Lxxn. 

I eam speni] *the hope* : eam anticipates the following accusative and 

infinitive clause se...posse; cp. /V/ 71 § i. 
4 etiam] to be taken with secundo^ *even if the battle were favour- 

amitteref] * why should he lose ? * Caesar's actual words were cur.^ 
amiitam f 
P« 38« 3 misericordia civium] objective genitive, 'compassion for his 
fellow citizens '. 
^ plerisque] evidently referring to the officers^ tba Cegatx^ tinbutvV -wsSS. 

138 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

eenturiones who had come to urge Caesar to fight, 71 § 9. Notice that 
latin has no word of geueral signification quite corresponding to our 
' ofiicer \ though dux sometimes approaches it, cp. 73 § i duces adver' 

non probabatur\ * did not commend itself to* : plerisque is dative, the 
construction being probare aliquid alicui, But Caesar might have 
written a plerisque as 74 § 7 consiliumque eius a cunctis probabatur; 
B. G. III. 24 hoc consilio probato ab ducibus ; and see quotation in note 
on 58 § 3. 

degrediturl Caesar presumably occupied some slightly rising ground 
not far from Afranius. But perhaps digreditur 'moves away from ' 
should be read. 
5 praesidiis.,.dispositis'\ this ablative expresses the method by which 
all the routes were blocked, and is therefore subordinate to the other 
ablative absolute omni intercluso itinere. 


i postero die\ apparently 28 July. 

spem^ the slight harshness of the ^xi&it fluminis Hiberi spem 'hope 
of (about) the river*, i.e. 'hope of reaching the river', is softened by the 
proximity of the more natural genitive rei frumentaricu • hope of pro- 
visions '. 

consultabant^ Caesar has consuliare three times and only with de^ 
cp. B. G. V. 53, VII. 77 : but consulere only once with de^ B. G. i. 53 de 
se ter sortibus consUltum dicebat, 

1 si reverti vettent] *in case they should choose': these loosely 
attached hypothetical clauses are not uncommon in Caesar, especially 
with posse, but I find no instance quite like the present where the 
main clause does not express some action on the part of the subject 
of the sentence : e.g. it would have been quite regular if Caesar had 
written unum ostendit iter etc. *he points out to them one route, in 
case they wished ' etc. Something similar is 84 § 2 paJam si colloqui 
vellent, concessum est. 

Tarrcuonem] it is not clear whether they proposed to reach 
Tarragona by way of Granadella and R^us, crossing the higher part 
of the Sierra de la Llena, or by returning some liltle distance on the 
way to Lerida and then striking the present route from Lerida ta 
Tarragona hy way of Borjas and Monblanch ; probably the former.. 

CAPP. Lxxii. — Lxxiv.] NOTES. 139 

consUianiibus] consiliari is only used by Caesar here and in 19 § 3, 
and is rare in other authors. 

3 cohortium dlariarum\ auxiliary cohorts, the auxiliaries of the allies 
being always stationed on the wings of the army, and called ala dextra 
and sinistra : cp. 83 § i, II. 18 § i, B. G. I. 51. 

a^am] this water supply was evidently some way off, but we do 
not know its exact position. Stoffel says there is now no water in the 
district, except in reservoirs. A stream marked in Schneider*s map and 
called Llobreg6s en Pino, if it really exists or did exist, would answer 
the requirements of the passage, being about 5 miles N.£. of Mayals. 

Chap. LXXIV. 

I notum] practically a substantive, * acquaintance ' ; so below § 6. 

municipem] * fellow-townsman ', so civis often means * fellow-citizen': 
the compounds concizns communiccps were very little used, and do not 
occur in classical authors. i^ 

conquirit'\ 'enquires after', very much like our colloquial phrase 
' looks up '. 

4 pridie^ cp. 72. 

beneficio\ *through their kindness', 'thanks to them*; cp. B. G. I. 53 
sortium beneficio se esse incolumetn^ B. C. II. 32 § 8, III. 18 § 4. 

quaerunt^ 'they enquire about', cp. B. G. I. 18 quaerit ex solo ea 
quae in conventu dixerat; see note on 67 § i ; two other instances of 
qtuurere with accusative, B. G. i. 18 ecuUm quaerit and B. C. II. 39 
§ 3 reliqua quaerere^ are not necessarily similar, these being possibly 
cc^ate accusatives. Here Madvig reads with great probability deinde 
de imperatoris fide qucurunt, 

illi] * to him '. 

contulerint\ arma conferre cum aliquo * to engage in conflict with ', 
cp. Livy XXI. I nam neque validiores opibus ullae inter se civitates 
gentesque contulerunt arma, Elsewhere in Caesar arma conferre means 
to collect arms, as in B. G. VII. 12 arma conferri^ equos produci^ obsides 
dari iubet, 
3 fidem,,.petunt\ 'exact a solemn promise'. 
P* 39* confirmcUis\ 'these conditions having been settled': the ablative 
absolute may possibly be equivalent to a conditional sentence 'if 
thesc conditions are settled', as Moberley takes it. Notice the near 
repetition of confirmare, which seems a mark of hasty writing. 

signa translaturos\ cp. 24 § 3, 60 § 4. 

I40 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

primorum ordinunil see note on 46 § 4. 

4 invitandi\ * of entertaining them *. 
viderenturl imperfect after historic presents. 

5 evocaveranf] *had summoned* to join the army. The Spanish 
chieftains who were detained as hostages were probably not expected 
to bear arms in the Roman service. 

adituin commendationis^ *an opportunity of being commended to the 
notice of Caesar*: aditus is properly *a way of approach', commen- 
dationis is a defining genitive showing the nature of the cutitus; the 
preposition cui follows in sense after the word aditus *approach to', 
and not after commendationis : cp. B. G. V. 41 qui aliquem sermonis 
aditum causamque amicitiae cum Cicerone hahebant, 

6 /i/ius'\ he was afterwards handed over to Caesar as a hostage, 
84 § 2. 

Sulpicium] P. Sulpicius Rufus had been one of Caesar's legates in 
Gaul, B. G. IV. sa, vii. 90. He held the office of praetor in 48 and 
was afterwarfti govemor of Illyricum, cp. Cic. Fam. xiii. 77. 

7 iaetitia] elsewhere Caesar has the genitive after plenus: Cicero has 
both cases. The difference, such as it is, may be shown by the English 
phrases * full of * and * fiUed with '. 

videbantur\ *were seen': notice that *to seem' is often an inadequate 
rendering of videri, 
coftsi/ium] 'policy'. 

Chap. LXXV. 

I Afranioi dative after nunticttis, then the nominative Afranius must 
be understood with discedit, But perhaps Afranio was only a MS 
error for Afranius, 

sic paratus] *resoIved*; sometimes animo is added as in B. G. vii. 
19 (twice) ; cp. B. C. III. 86, § 5, 95 § i. 
« practoria cohorte] this term was applied to a body-guard of picked 
men attending on the general in command, cp. B. G. I. 40, 42. 

beneficiariis] thcse were soldiers who were relieved of the ordinary 
routine of duiy and attached to the person of the commander; cp. 
Vegetius II. 7 beneficiarii ab eo appe//ati quod promovcntur beneficio 
tribunorum, They are mentioned again iii. 88 § 4. In this case 
they were hoi-semen from the Spanish contingent of cavalry. 
j sinistras sagis invotvunt] * wrap their left hands in their cloaks': the 
^ldiers were strolUng about between ihe two camps in f»ncied security 

CAPP. Lxxiv. — Lxxvi.] NOTES. 141 

and had left their shields behind. The sagum \vas a coarse woollen 
cloak worn by the common soldiers and inferior officers, and even by 
citizens in Italy in time of war ; it was reckoned the distinctive garb 
of war as the toga was that of peace ; cp. the phrases saga sumere^ 
ad saga irc etc. 

propinquitate confist\ cp. note on 1 2 § 3. 


I flens\ for another instance of Roman soldiers weeping see B. G. V. 33. 
*When we read of soldiers weeping it should be remembered that the 
southern nations of Europe are naturally more emotional in character 
than the northern, and that the tendency of modern education and 
habits of thought is to check all outward expression of strong feeling, 
whether in the way of joy or grief '. 

neu...neu\ Caesar might have written ne for the first neu as in 
II. 28 § 2 obsecrat.,.ne,,.depone7'ent neu...ferrent, 
p. 40. 2 prcutorium * the generaFs quarters' : in marking out a Roman 
camp a certain space, said to have been 200 feet square, was always 
apportioned to the general in command. 

separatim a reliquis^ cp. Cic. Fam. II. 16 § 5 nihil accidet ei separatim 
a reliquis civibus, 

3 princeps\ *first of all*. With the whole of this passage cp. iii. 13 
§§ 3» 4» as it affords a good instance of the way in which Caesar 
repeats his own phrases : perterrito etiam tum exercitu princeps Labienus 
procedit iuratque se eum non deserturum eundemque casum subiturum 
quemcunque eifortuna tribuisset, hoc idem reliqui iurant legati; tribunt 
militum centurionesque sequuntur^ atque idem omnis exercitus iurat, 

in haec verba iurat] 'takes the oath in these tenns', cp. Horace Ep. 
I. I. 14 nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri 'at the dictation of a 
master '. 

ius iurandum adigit] the full phrase is adigere aliquem ad ius 
iurandum^ cp. Sallust Cat. 22; then the cui was omitted as in the 
phrase adigere aliquem arbitrum Cic. Off. III. ^S, 

4 producatur] supply mentally ab eo ; that he should be produced by 
the man (cd) co) in whose company (penes quem) he has been. 

5 nova religio iuris iurandi] *the fresh ceremony of the oath': but 
possibly Caesar means by nova *novel*, *unprecedented*, though, as far 
as we can tell, there was nothing unusual in demanding a fresh oath of 

142 DE BELLO CIVILL [uB. 1. 

allegiance from the troops in a monient of supreme peril; cp. Livy 
XXII. 53, referred to by Moberley. 

Chap. LXXVll. 

% magno in honore] cp. III. 47 § 7 pecus..,magno in honore habebant ; 
sometimes the in is oraitted, cp. B. G. V. 54 quos praecipuo semper 
honore Ccusar habuit. 

priorts ordines\ *their former posts' or 'centuries', ordo being often 
equivalent to centuria, 

equites...honorem'\ beware of confusing the equites I^omani vfith. the 
ordinary cavalry serving in the Roman armies ; the latter at this period 
was not composed of Roman citizens at all, but was drawn from the 
allies. The equites here mentioned are Roman knights, who occasionally 
joined the army and served as tribuni militum and praefecti; hence 
Caesar says that he restored these knights ad tribunicium honorem^ 
to the posts of tribuni militum which they had previously held ia 
Pompey*s army. So too in B. G. IIL 7 the prefects and military 
tribunes spoken of were evidently mounted officers, and see Caesar'& 
joke in B. G. I. 42 : cp. Madvig, Kleine Philologische Schriften, p. 501 


1 premebantur] * were hard pressed *, * hard put to it *, ' met with great 
difficulties in their foraging*; for the construction cp. B. G. v. 28 re 
frumentaria nonpremi, There is no need to x^2A prohibebantur, 

copiam.„non nu//am] 'a certain quantity', that is, a fairly large 
amount; so non nulli homines means 'several men', not *scarcely 
ahy men'. Hence Stoffel is wrong in saying 'ils n*en avaient plus 
qu'une petite quantite'* 

XXir\ I agree with the majority of commentators in thinking this 
number far too large ; the Afranians had only left Ilerda 4 or 5 days 
before, and if they had had provisions for 17 da^rs remaining, there 
would have been plenty to spare for the cetrati and auxiliares, But 
instead of aitering it to VIII with Goler or VII with Dinter, I 
should prefer XII as accounting better for the corruption. We know 
from Cic. Tusc. II. 37 that Roman soldiers often carried plus quam 
dimiduUi mensis cibaria, but it is extremely unlikely that Afraniu» 
wAen intending to make a rapid march across difficult country iiom 

CAPP. Lxxvi. — Lxxix.] NOTES, 143 

Ilerda to Octogesa would make his men carry provision for more 
than 10 or \i days at the outside. 
1 faculiates] 'means', 'opportunities'; the word is of constant use 
in Caesar and does not by any means necessarily imply 'pecuniary 
resources' as Moberley translates it. 

insueta ad] the construction is found in Livy, but Caesar elsewhere 
has the genitive after insuetus, The auxiliaries did not undergo the 
severe training of the Roman l^onaries and lacked their extraordinary 
powers of endurance. 

3 explicitius'\ *the simpler', 'the less complicated *, from explicare *to 
unravel *, a word frequently found with consilium as below se reliquum 
consUium explicaturos^ lll. 78 § 3 etc, and cp. iil. *i%% 1 his explicitis 

se reliquum consilium explicaluro5\ a literal rendering of this is 
impossible; we might represent the meaning fairly by translating 
'that they would evolve at leisure (or Mn detail') the rest of their 
plans'. Moberley's translation 'to form plans for the future' is 

4 Tarraco] a distance of about 40 or 50 miles. 

recipere] rem is the subject, casus the object, of recipere: *their 
adventure ('fortune', 'undertaking') might meet with variousaccidents', 
or *various accidents might befall their adventure*: cp. 11 1. 51 § 5 qucu 
res tamen fortasse aiiquem reciperet casum. 

proftciscuntur] probably in the early morning of 29 July : see note on 
80 §3. 
p. 41. 5 carperet] cp. 63 § a, B. Afr. 75 § 4. 

nullum.^proeliarentur] *not a moment passed without the rear- 
guaid fighting with the cavalry '. 

Chap. LXXIX. 

X pluresque\ *and several of them', that is of the light-armcd cohorts. 
subsistebant\ *halted', *lingered behind', in order to protect the 
main body from the attacks of the cavalry. The sense would no 
doubt be rendered easier by reading equitesque for pluresque and 
sustinebant for subsistebant * kept the cavalry in check '. 
3 cum\ 'whenever'; with cum in this sense the pluperiect indicative is 
more common than the imperfect, Roby § 1717. 
suberat] * lay before them '. 
neque ei...poterant]=ei' ei...non poterant*. 

144 ^^ BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

moranHbus] if, as seems probable, the army was following a defined 
track across difficult country, the line would extend to some distance, 
and the rearguard might naturaily be cailed morantes as compared with 
the vanguard. Hence there is no need to alter this to laborantUnis. 

equites vero] *while the cavalry'; this clause, as well as the two 
preceding, depends on cum: the word vero^ like denique, added to 
the last of a succession of clauses, denotes the climax. 
in aversos] * against them when their backs were turned '. 

4 relinquebatur^ ut] *the only course left was that* etc; cp. 19 § 3, 
63 §2. 

cum...esset] the subjunctive is used *of actions, events, etc. recounted 
not as mere marks of time, but as essential parts of the historical 
narrative, in imperfect and pluperfect tenses* Roby § lyao. The 
mood might perhaps be explained by the fact that this clause is 
inserted in another subjunctive clause ut,.,iuberentf and is therefore 
what Dr Kennedy called a 'subobiique* clause, Kenn. L. G. §§ 190 — 193. 

inciiati cursu] cp. iii. 46 § 5 incitati cursu praecipites Fompeianos 
egerunif 93 § 5 incitati fuga; we also find incitato cursu B. G. ii. 26. 

5 tantum,..aberant] *they were so far from being aided by their 
cavalry'; notice that tantum abesse ab is here not used of actual 
distance : KH cp. B, G. I. 36 longe eis fraternum nomen populi 
Rotnani afuturum. 

uliro] the nearest English equivalent to this very expressive word is 
*actually*: not only did the cavalry not protect the legions, but the 
legions had aciually to protect the cavalry. 

quiri] the use of quin rather than ne shows that licebat is used of 
possibility rather than oi permission: *itwas not possible for any one 
of them to quit the line of march without being caught by Caesar's 
horsemen': if Caesar had meant *no one of them was allowed to quit* 
ctc., he would have added ne...exciperetur *lest he should be caught*. 

Chap. LXXX. 

I pugnatur] this is a perfectly general statement : * when a battle is 
being fought in this way, troops advance slowly ' etc. It is shown that 
the general statement applies to this particular occasion. 

ut tum accidit] * and so it happened on this occasion ' : cp. B. G. vii. 
3 nam ubicumque maior atque illustrior incidit res^ clamore per agros 
regionesque significani; hunc alii deinceps excipiunt etproximis trcuiunt^ 

CAPP. Lxxix. — Lxxxi.J NOTES. 145 

1 peragitati\ this word is not quoted from any other classical author ; 
possibly it is a corruption for exagitatu 

montem excelsum^ Stoffel says this is Sierra Grosa, which is at the 
required distance of 4 miles from the supposed site of the last encamp- 
ment, and is a conspicuous hill though hardly deserving to be called a 
' lofty mountain.' 

una fronte contra hosieml *on one side only facing the enemy*: 
instead of making the usual square entrenchment, they only constructed 
one line of earthworks facing the enemy. 

neque...deponunt\ 'without however uuloading the packhorses': 
neque here, as often, is put for neque tamen, 

3 tademacuta] the Roman tents were made of skins, hence such expres- 
sions as sub pellibus htemare iii. 13 § 5. 

hora circiter sexta'] it is absurd to suppose, as Stoffel apparently does, 
that ali the events narrated from 73 § i to 80 § 3 happened in the first six 
hours of one day, that is, before noon of 29 July. I have no doubt that 
the eiusdem diei of the present passage means 30 July, and that the night 
of ap July was spent by the Afranians in the anxious deliberations 
implied in Caesar's narrative in 78. Thus the recital of the events of 
30 July naturally b^ins with the words hoc probato consilio ex castris 
proftciscuntur in 78 § 4. Notice too the word cottidie in 78 § 2, which I 
take to be a loose and somewhat exaggerated expression for the 60 or 70 
hours from the discomfiture of the Afranians on the i^th (cp. 71) to the 
moming of the 3oth. 

spem,»,equitum'\ 'hoping that the pursuit would be delayed by the 
departure of our cavalry '. 

4 refectis tegionibus] * having rested his legions '. 
p. 42« hora dectma] about 4 p.m. 

cottidianum itineris officium] 'their usual employment during the 
march ' ; their ' usual (or * daily *) duty ' at this time was to harass the 
retreating foe. 

5 paene terga convertant] • are almost put to flight * : the subject of 
convertant is of course the Afranians. 

non nulli] 'several ' (see note on 78 § i) ihough denoiing a less number 
than complures. 

Chap. LXXXI. 

I natura iniquo] 'unfavourable by nature', *naturally unfavourable ' : 
natura is an adverbial ablative like more^ consuetudine^ iurt ^iss^. TXsri 

UEt. CIV. L ^^ 

146 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

locality in question is placed by Stolfel aboui 3 kilouietres to the east of 
Aitona a village on the Segre about 11 miles below Ilerda. 
1 ampUus non lacessif^ for amplius with a negative in sense of *no 
longer' cp. iii. 10 § 3 neque amplius fartunam pcriclitari; B. G. v. 55 
non esse amplius fortunam temptaturos. 

eo die] 29 July. Caesar occupying a fresh position on the evening of 
this day gives orders that no tents shall be erected. 

3 vitio] * fault *, * faulty position *. 

tota nocte] the ablative of continuation of time may be defended by 
B. G. I. 26 eaque tota nocte^ but I think it probable that both here and 
there the accusative should be read : cp. also 46 § i cum esset pugnatum 
continenter horis quinquCf 85 § 8 provincias absens tot annis obtineat. 

proferunt] *push forward*. It seems clear that this denotes a 
retrograde movement nearer to Caesar's camp, cp. 8« § 4. The 
southward movement also explains how it wfis that the farther they 
went the greater distance they were from a supply of water. 

castra castrisque convertunt] 'exchange onecamp for another*; that is 
by pushing forward their entrenchments they take up a fresh position 
just a little in front of the old one. 

postero die\ 30 July. 

opere] ' in their work *. 

remedia dabantur] * remedies were provided for their present ill only 
by procuring fresh ills *. 

4 proximo die] 31 July. 

5 male haberi] * to be harassed ', cp. 63 § 3. 

descensuros] * to which he thought they would necessarily have re- 
course ' : descendere in this sense conveys the idea of adopting a course 
of action as a last resort. For quo with descendere cp. 5 § 3 quo nisi 
paene in ipso urbis incendio...nunquam ante descensum est, 

6 omnia] an exaggeration, see 84 § i. 

Chap. LXXXII. 

I biduum] apparently 30 and 31 July, then tertio die will be 1 August. 
magna...processerat] *Caesar*s task had already made considerable 
progress ' : that is, he had finished a large part of his lines of circum- 

IX] about 3 p.m. 
p. 43. 1 contra. . .afferebeU] 'for to be seen to have shunned a battle 
a^ainst the general sentiment of the troops and his credit in the eyes 

CAPP. Lxxxi. — LXXX1II.J JVOTES. 147 

of the world (* in the eyes of all *) would prove highly detrimental ' 
(lit. * brought with it great detriment '). 

opinioneml it is difficult to fix the precise meaning of this word : it 
means sometimes ' opinion *, * thought ', ' feeling ', sometimes ' expecta- 
tion', sometimes ' estimation \ *reputation\ KH take it here in the 
last named sense ' the good opinion which the soldiers had of Caesar \ 
in which case there would be little difference between it andyama, since 
fama omnium seems to mean the repute in which all held Caesar. The 
two words are thus united in iii. 36 § i nuntiatum est adesse Scipiomm 
magna opinione et fama omniuin^ 56 § a Pompeius autem ut famam 
opinionemque kominum teneret, 

3 eisdem causis] * by the same reasons ', to be taken with movebatur. I 
follow Meusel and Paul in omitting dc afler dsdem, The reasons, with 
which Caesar says his readers are acquainted {guae sunt eognitae)^ are 
those given in 73, viz., the desire to avoid unnecessary bloodshed etc; 
cp. 81 % 1 sed eisdem de causis Cacsar^ quae supra sunt demonstratae^ 
proelio amplius non lacessit. 

coniectis aduersariis] equivalent to a conditionai clause, si conicerentur 

adsummam victoriae] *to consummate his victory', cp. B. G. vii. 21 
paene in eo, si id oppidum retinuissent^ summam victoriae constare in- 

4 hinc] ^exhoc (spatio) * out of this space '• 
duaspartes] 'two-thirds'. 

5 ce/erem...ex fuga receptum\ * a speedy retreat in (from) their flight ' : 
for exfuga cp. B. G. iv. 17 se exfuga receperunt^ VI. 35 receptos exfuga^ 
II. 12 prius quam se hostes ex terrore acfuga reciperent, 

signa inferentibus] this is a constant phrase of troops advancing to 


I duplex] possibly cach line consisted of 2$ cohorts, as they are 
arranged in the elaborate plan given by StofTel in his atlas. 

in subsidiis] 'in reserve'; cp. B. Al. 39 reliquis cohortihus in 
sudsidiis coi/ocatis. Afranius' acies was thus virtually triplex, only his 
third line was composed of auxiliaries in place of legionaries. 
atariae coAortes] see note ou 73 § 3. 
1 sed] *sed refers to the difference of his arrangement from that of 
Afranius, which was also an acies triplex but in a different way ' KH. 
quaternae cohortes ex V legionibus\ ' fout coVvotXs IxoxEk. t-wSsv ^\^^^^ 

^o — 1. 

148 DE BELLO CIVILL [lib. i. 

legions': thus the lo cohorts of each legion were disUibuted over the 
three lines, 4 in the first, 3 in the second, and 3 in the third. 

suae cuiusque iegionis'] cuiusque is probably the genitive agreeing 
with suae legionis : for quisque attracted into the case of suus see Roby 
§ 2288. 

continebantur] * were included in *. The expression is so vague that 
it is impossible to say exactly how they were placed. I should be 
inclined to take inedia acies as meaning the second of the three lines, 
and to suppose that the slingers etc. occupied the intervals between 
the cohorts in that line, and so I think Goler understands it, but StofTel 
takes media acies to mean the centre of the whole force (not of course 
the excut centre, as there was an uneven number of legions) and considers 
the auxiliaries to have formed a body equal in depth to the three lines 
of the legions. 

3 tenere\ *hold to', almost in the sense of *gain*: cp. iii. 42 § i ubi 
propositum tenere non potuit^ secundo usus consiliOt 65 § 4 commutcUa 
rcUione belli quoniam propositum non tenuerat, 

ne,..committerei\ 'not to fight unless compelled'. 

opercL^ the works of investment. 

tamen\ the force of tamen, which is not at first obvious, may be 
brought out by a paraphrase : though each seemed at first to gain his 
object, yet no real advance was made, the business is only postponed. 
Most editors tacitly acquiesce in Nipperdey*s tum for tamen, 

4 posiero die] 2 Aug., which we know from other sources (see note on 
4! § i) to have been the day of the final capitulation. 

vaduml it will be remembered that they were only two or three 
miles from the river. 

possent] imperfect after historic present. 

5 ievis armaturae] genitive of description. 

traicit] for the double accusative with this verb cp. 55 § i. 

Chap. LXXXIV. 

pmnibus rebus] * in every way *. 

iumentis] in 81 § 6 Caesar said that all the beasts of burden had 
been killed; no doubt a few were left for the necessary purposes of 

li,gn&ruM] the plural is regularly used in the sense of firewood. 
fffdf^] 'ihrough their want', ablaiive of efhcient cause, Roby 

CAPP. Lxxxiii. — Lxxxv.] NOTES. 149 

§ 1228. Caesar usually adds a participle such as addttctust cp. 81 § 6 
inopia pabuli adducti, 
etid] 'andthat too'. 

semoto\ not elsewbere in Caesar; perhaps tcmoto should be read. 
9 et...conces5um ^j/j *and permission was granted them in case they 
should be willing to confer publicly ' : see note on 75 § 3. 
p, 44. 4 officio\ * for duty ', * to satisfy the claims of duty '. 

paene] to be taken with circummunitos ' almost surrounded ', not 
with utferas * almost like wild beasts *. 
ingressu] * from moving *. 
5 necesse hnbcat] the subject is Caesar: *that he should not fcel it 
necessary to proceed to the extreme of punishment'. 

subiectissime] the adverb subiecte seems not to occur elsewhere. 

Chap. LXXXV. 

I nulii...convenisse] * no one in the whole army could have played this 
part whether of queralous lament or of pathetic appeal less suitably than 
you '. The sentence scarcely admits of a more literal translation. 

partes] * part *, * r61e '; cp. 17 § 3, below § 3. 

miseratumis] ' self-commiseration ', 'appeal for compassion': in 
classical authors the word probably never means * compassion ', which 
is misericordia ; cp. Cic. Fam. v. 12 § 5 where both words occur, dearly 
in different senses. Prof. Tyrrell there translates cum quadam misera- 
tione • by the pathetic charm of the scene '. Hence correct LS. 
9 1^] * I myself \ ego ipse in the actual words of the speaker. Caesar is 
amplifying and explaining the words reliquos omnes^ and showing that 
he means himself, his army, and lastly the soldiers of the opposing 
(illius) army. 

et...aequd\ 'when both time and place were favourable'; notice that 
et does not connect this clause with the preceding, but et.,.et is * both... 
and'; hence this clause is subordinate to or explanatory of the previous 
ablative bona condicione rather than coordinate with it. 

ut qitam...omnia] *that there might be absolutely nothing to pre- 
judice the chances of peace ': here too a literal translation is impossible; 
integerrima 'quite fresh', *not interfered with'; cp. the common ex- 
pression re integra * while the matter is still fresh ', ' before an^rthing has 
been done in the matter ' ; cp. B. G. vii. 30. Caesar of course refers to 
his action mentioned in 72. 

exercitum suum] *my army*: Caesar it^et^ Vo >^vfe xw^^^^wJjcwiss^s» 

I50 DE BELLO CTVILL [lib. l 

conduct of himself and his army mentioned in 77, when he dismissed 
unharmed all the soldiers of Afranius whom he found in his camp, 
though several of his own men had been put to death by that generai's 

de concilianda pace\ cp. 26 § 3, B. G. vii. 55. 

3 sic.constitissc^ 'thus the part played by ali ranks had been one of 
compassion ' or ' had consisted in compassion '. 

indutiarum] Caesar goes too far in saying that the enemy*s officers 
had disregarded the rights of truce; for there had been no formal 
cessation of hostilities when tke intercourse between the two camps 
mentioned in 74 took place, nor was the colloquium a formally arranged 
conference, but only a spontaneous act on the part of individual soldiers. 

per colloquium deceptos^ * taken in by a pretended colloquy ' ; per is 
often thus used of a false or pretended reason, cp. B. G. viii. 23 qui 
eum per simulationem colloquii curant interficiendum ; so per causam is 
often used of a pretended reason as in B. G. vii. 9, cp. Draeger HS I. 
p. 607. 

4 igitur] note that Igitur occurs only here in Caesar. 

e6\ this as well as id is the antecedent to the foUowing quod. 

5 humilitate'] *on the ground of their humiliation' : ablative of * efficient 
cause', Roby § 1228. 

aliqua temporis opportunitate\ * any fortunate conjuncture of events '. 
postulare, quibus rebus] * make demands whereby *. 
5 neque enim\ * neither was it for any other reason that six legions had 
been sent into Spain and a seventh levied there* etc. Caesar asserts 
that this large army was maintained in Spain solely for the purpose of 
being used against himself. The force originally designed for Spain 
consisted of four legions, Plut. Pomp. 52 ; to this had been added two 
legions drawn from Africa (Merivale 11. 175, on what authority I do not 
know), and from the present passage (alone ?) we leam that the remain- 
ing legion had been levied in Spain itself, thus making the total of seven, 
as given also in 38 § i. 

tot tantasque classes paratas\ this, the reading of the MSS, is rejected 
by most editors who think the menlion of fleets out of place here. No 
doubt it is somewhat out of place in a speech addressed to Afranius and 
Petreius and referring to events in Spain, but Caesar, writing in haste 
and indignation, thinks of all the fleets that had been equipped against 
him during the last few months and adds them to his mention of the 
Spanish army, forgetting that Afranius and Petreius had but little to 
do witb tbem. We have read in tbis book of iVie fleet that conveyed 
\ympey from Bnindisium (27), the ships raosed ^i^ 'DotsvAKw^ kSi^^T^^ 

Cap. lxxxv.] NOTES. 151 

those constructed by the Massilians (56), and lastly the fleet of boats 
ordered by Afranius to be prepared on the Ebro (61 § 4). 
Pt 45. summissos] *sent to the front* : verbs of *sending* or *going* com- 
pounded with sub often convey the idea of taking or sending assistance, 
cp. subvehere^ subministrare^ subvenirey stucurrere^ etc; Roby § 2138. 

7 Hispani€ts\ the two Spanish provinces, cp. 10 § 3. 

pacis] there had been no hostilities in Spain since the end of the 
Sertorian war in 73 B.c. 

8 in se] 'against himself ', * with intent to injure him'; j^ is the accu- 

ut idem.,.obtineaf\ this is in part a repetition of the complaint in 
II § I, where see note. 

absens] 'absent from them' i.e. the provinces; Paul substitutes a^j^/*/^»* 
for alienas in 11 §1, where however it seems less suitable than here. 
Nipperdey refers to Vell. Pat. il. 48^ i easque {Hispanias) per triennium 
absens ipse ac praesidens urbi per Afranium et Petreium consularem cu 
praetorium iegatos suos administrabcU, It will be remembered that in 
the beginning of the year 49 Pompey was in the neighbourhood of Rome 
(ad portcLs) endeavouring to control the course of events in the city, 
which, as proconsul and armed with the imperiumf he was unable to 

tot annis] for the ablative of duration of time cp. 7§6, 46§i,8i§3; 
but no great reliance can be placed on the MSS where only a single letter 
is concerned, and perhaps in all these instances the accusative should be 

9 commutart] * were being subverted *. 

ne...mittantur] this repeats the complaint made in 6 § 6. The lex 
Pompeia of 52 had enacted that there should be an interval of 5 years 
between the tenure of office as consul or praetor and the holding of a 
provincial govemorship. The result was that there was now more 
uncertainty as to who should hold these appointments, and govemors 
may often have been appointed by a senatorial clique {per paucos). 

aetatis excuscUionem] * plea of age'; the same phrase in B. G. viii. 


quin...evocentur] *to prevent men being called out*. The matter 
referred to is not clear ; KH say * Caesar means XYiQ proconsules ad urbem 
(5 § 3» 6 § 7) who could rightfully claim to be relieved of their imperium 
and were now obliged to take commands, as Cicero for instance, who, 
much against his will, was commissioned to raise troops in Campania 
(Cic. Att. VII. II § 5, VIII. II D. § K), vu. 1 % ^V» '^'^^ -^-isfi»!??^ 

I5ii ^E BELLO CLVILL [lib. i. 

is discussed by Heller, Philologus Suppl. Band v. 1889 p. 363, who 
comes to the conclusion that probati is corrupt and that some such word 
asfracti or debilitati should be substituted. 

10 ut rebus...dimittant'\ this refers to the vexed question of the succes- 
sion to Caesar's province and of his candidature for the consulship 
of 48 which has been already discussed; see notes on 9. Pompey 
refused to comply with the senatorial decree passed in the autumn of 
50 by which it was decided that Caesar*s provincial administrations 
should end on i March 49, and that Pompey should also resign his 
command of the Spanish provinces on the same day. In consequence 
of Pompey*s action Caesar was, as he here says, unable * to return home 
and dismiss his army *. f 

1 1 quod...non sit"] if quodhad been equivalent to et id, the clause would 
have been a principal one and the verb would have been in the infinitive, 
essej but the subjunctive shows that the clause is practically subordinate 
to the previous one and so quod is equivalent to quamquam id or some- 
thing similar ; cp. Roby § 1781. 

1 2 excedereftf] representing the imperative excedite in direct narration. 

Chap. LXXXVI. 

1 ex ipsa significatione] *merely by the indications that they gave*: 
the soldiers expressed their approval by voice and gesture. 

utf qui] the ut follows after iucundnmf *it was gratifying that those 
who ' etc. 

aliquid iusti incommodi] * some merited penalty '. 

ultro] * withoQt asking for it '. 

praemium missionis] *the boon of discharge *. 

2 significare] * to signify their desire ', followed by ut as in B. Al. 45 § 
3 vexillo sublatOy quae primae naves siibsequebantur idem ut /acerent^ 

neque] with this clause significare must be mentally repeated in a 
slightly different sense, *declare *, ' signify their belief *. 

neque...firmum] KH are probably righl in saying that ;;^^»^ negatives 
only the word firmutn ; hence translate ' and declare that the promise 
might be invalid, notwithstanding any pledge that might be interposedf 
if it were put off to another lime *. 

interposita fide] for interponere fidem cp. B. G. V. 6. 36, B. Al. 63. 

3 res huc deducitur] * the final resuU is * : cp. 62 § i. 

f^a' f/m ^umen] The Var, which fiows into the sea a few miles to 

CAPP. Lxxxv. — Lxxxvii.] NOTES. 153 

the west of Nice, was the eastem boundary of the province of Gallia 
4 sacramentum dicere] cp. 23 § 5, ii. 28 § 1, 


P* 46« I qitae sint] this clause is added as explanatory of qtwd quisque... 
amiserit, Caesar remembers, as it were, that he could not undertake 
to restore all that they had lost in war, and therefore limits his promise 
by the addition of these words, ' those things at least that are in the 
hands of his own soldiers '. 

eis, qui amiseraut] *to the losers': the phrase is regardcd as 
equivalent to a noun, hence there is no need for the subjunctive; *a 
short relative clause, especially when it immediately follows a demon- 
strative, is often constructed independently of oratio obliqua, being 
regarded as a mere epilhet ' Kennedy L. G. § 193. 

aequafcuta aestimatione\ 'at a fair valuation'. 
1 cul Caesarem in ius adierunt] * they went to Caesar to adjudicate : 
cp. Cic. Verr, IV. 147 cum ad praetorem in ius adissemus, 

3 cum stipendium...flagitaretitur\ *when Petreius and Afranius were 
asked for the pay ', * when the pay was demanded of Petreius ' etc. 
The construction implies a double accusative vfxXh flagitare as in B. G. 
I. 16 cotidie Caesar Aeduos frumentum...flagiiare, 

cuius...dicerent] *on their saying that the day for it had not yet 
come ': cuius represenls cum eius, hence the subjunctive. 

4 re/iquas] this cannot mean the remaining four of his six legions, for 
we learn from 11. 19 § i that Caesar despatched two legions under Q. 
Cassius to Hispxinia ullerior where Varro was assuming a threatening 
attitude: by rciiquas then must be meant the two that remained after 
the departure of Cassius. Caesar himself started southward for Corduba 
with 600 horsemen a day or two before Cassius. 

Q. Fufium Calenum] mentioned B. G. VI II. ,\(). He played an 
active part in the civil war, and was consul with P. Vatinius for the 
iast three months ol 47. Lauge Rom. Alt. iii. 436. 


The chief MSS of the Bellum Civile are four in number and date 
probabiy from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. They are 

Ursinianus (Vatican) denoted by h (U in Bellum Gallicum), 

Riccardianus (Florence) 1 

Thnaneus (Paris) a (T in Bellum Gallicum), 

Vindobonensis (Vienna) ...•••... f 

Specimen pages of the two last are given by Emile Chatelain in his 
Pal^ographie des Classiques Latins pp. 48, 50, and another on p. 49 of 
a Florence MS, which I take to be the saiuc ub i\.iccaidianus. 

Other Mss occasionally referred to by editors are (i) Hauniensis 
primus (e of Nipperdey, H of Frigell and my editions of Bellum Galli- 
cum), apparently a copy of Ursinianus, (ii) Leidensis primus (b of 
Nipperdey, L of Frigell and my ed. of B. G.), (iii) Scaligeranus (c of 
Nipperdey), (iv) Cuiacianus (d of Nipperdey). Of the two last only 
detached readings are preserved. Meusel aiso rcfers to Dresdensis 
primus (O). 

The following is a selection of the more important or interesting 

{Xhe large numeral refers to the chapter, the small one to the section.) 

1 1 Most MSS insert a Fabio after litteris which Hoffmann and Diibner 

take as a corruption of ab eoy and suppose that the beginning of ihe 
book is lost. 
2 All Mss in civitate, Hotoman infinite (see note); Dr Reid prefera 
incitate or incitati: might the words be a late marginal gloss mean> 
ing * in the city *, added to show that this meeting was held in Rome? 
cp. 6. I habetur extra urbem senatus, Scaliger and others omit 
them altogether. Heller prefers inviiati, 

2 I All Mss aderat. Dr Reid suggests that the clause quod„,aderat is 

a mai^nal gloss. 
' s ff^ fua ^ss^/; a has neque esset; peihaps ne quae esset, but cp. 21 § 1 
^ ^//a. . . ra//imu/aeio. 


correptis MSS, Nipperdey rightly ereptis^ cp. 32 § 6 iniuriam in 
eripiendis legionibus praedieat» Caesar would not use corripere in 
this sense. 

4 rebus MSS, verbis adopted by Paul is not necessary, see 8 § 4. 

3 I Pantagathus proposed to insert promptos before Fompeius; Paul 

inserts audaces after laudcU^ thus making the sentence contain two 
words audax and segnis not elsewhere used by Caesar. 
3 et ius comitium Mss. Hug and Madvig, no doubt rightly, restore 
ipsum for ius, Nipperdey reads militibus for the corrupt et ius, 
Heller prefers armis. 

tribunis centurionibus evocatis^ so Oudendorp for tr, pU centurio 

4 3 arbitratur\i\2ii\ arbitrabatur h, Dinter, Diibner. 

adulat/o atque ostentatio sui et potentium MSS ; Madvig omitting 
adulatio writes aique ostentatio sui et potentiae^ qua...pollebat; Reid 
suggests /^/^»/ia eorum ior potentium, 
6 I intercessione mss : some editors omit the word : KH and E. Hoflf- 
mann retain it. The former take extremum ius to denote the tri- 
bunicial inviolability, and suppose Caesar's meaning to be that the 
tribunes were not now aliowed to preserve their inviolability by the 
exercise of their intercessio^ a privilege which {quod for id quod) SuUa 
had left them. Dr Reid proposes legiiimi for extremi, Heller 

2 octo denique menses variarum actionum MSS; Dinter inserts post 
which might easily have been absorbed by plebis, £. Hofimann 
ultimo denique mense suarum actionum; Aldus, Nipperdey, Paul 
octavo denique mense siiarum actionum {octavo is found in f); KH 
after Mommsen toto denique emenso spatio suarum cu:tionum, Ciacco- 
nius and Diibner have duodecimo, No correction can be regarded 
as more than barely probable. 

3 salutis latorum audcuia nunquam aiite discessum est MSS. KohVs 
cj. descensum for discessum may be considered certain. For latoruni 
Manutius and Madvig suggest latronum^ perhaps too strong a word 
for the circumstances, as Nipperdey says. Paul, partly following 
Kindscher, reads soluta sceleratorum audacia^ Reid legis kUorum 
audada retaining salutis^ so too £. Hoffmann, who however makes 
farther needless alterations; Hug and others senatorum, 

cons. or consules Mss; Pantagathus/r^ consulibus; O h 1 have sunt^ 
but sini is required. 

5 levissimis Mss; bui lcnissimis is nee^ss^x^. 


6 2 aut sequaniur sallem : l has statim^ f stcUim saltim; hence E. Hoflf- 

mann reads sequaiitur, statim de reliquis etc. 

3 haheatur Mss ; there is no need to alter this to habeantur^ though in 
§ 8 Caesar has tota Italia dilectus habentur. 

4 non passuruvi MSS, but O' has vero which most editors adopt. 
Madvig and Meusel prefer consul, After passurum h has se; as 
Caesar does not eisewhere omit the reflexive pronoun after negare^ I 
retain it here. 

7 2 The MSS have armis after annis^ prubably a mere slip. Hotoman 

cj. sine armis, 

4 dona MSS, bona Victorius. Dr Reid says ' perhaps tribunis is the 
right reading, tri having been lost by collision with tur and contrac- 
tion, and the remainder having been misread or corrected to make 
sense: a subject to habuerint is wante<' \ 

5 After ne cogitatum quidem the MSS have nulla lex promulgaia^ non 
cum populo agi coeptum^ nulla secessio facta; the clause is an obvious 
gloss, being quite out of construction with the context, and is rightly 
omitted by the editors. 

7 convenerant h 1 f ; venerant a b d. 

8 4 rdfus MSS, Clark cj. verbis adopted by all recent editors, cp. a § 4. 

9 3 a b c have P. R. after primam^ d apparently inserts them before 

primam, in h 1 f they are absent, probably absorbed by the first 
letters oi primam. Paul omits them. Most editors have rei publicae 
which is more likely to be right here than populi Romani. 

10 1 h I f have cum Caesare^ a b c d a Caesare; I retain the former with 

the addition of the praenomen which Cacsar is not likely to have 
omiited. So £. Hoffniann. 

invenit MSS, Paul suggests convenit which, though possible, is not 
2 deliberata MSS, Gruter first added re^ which would easily drop out 
before respondent, 

mandata remittnnt: this is the ordinary reading, but the MSS have 
permittunt, and Paul following Hotoman reads mandata per eosdem 
remittufU: KH pcr eos mitlunt. 

11 2 quem diem MSS, Paul quam as more in accordance with Caesar's 

usage, dies when meaning a date being usually feminine. 

peracto consukUu MSS, Paul cj. parto, £. Hoifmann pacto: Dr 

Reid suggests that the words may be loosely used ior peractis comitiis 

t/uibus Caesar consul factus esset *after Caesar's election to the 

consulate had been carried through'. In place of non alter Caesuns, 


a f 1 have cons. and h cons. non. The readhig that I have suggested 
(see note) si peractis consularibus comitiis non profectus esset^ if written 
compendiously [cons, com.)^ might account for the various comiptions 
and would give the required sense. 
4 duabus legionibus MSS, but legionilms is obviously wrong. It was 
first omitted by Davis. Supply cohortibus from the previous clause. 
\^ \ ad pecuniam MSS, perhaps et ad pecuniamy the et having been 
absorbed by venisset. Paul after h 1 writes ad pecuniamque^ cp. 
B. G. II. II snb occasumqucy vil. i de senatusque consulio. 

4 productos d h l f, deductos a b, Nipperdey. 

spe supplied by Nipperdey. 
^familiares MSS, all recent editors familias; the mistake was 
originally due to an idea on the part of a copyist that conventus was 
acc. pl. 
15 5 magnaparte Mss; Scaliger first inserted a. 
10 I Firmo Mss; this is needlessly altered by most editors to Asculo^ see 

IB 2 legionis VIII Mss, but the number is clearly wrong, cp. below § 5. 
Voss substituted XIII. 
6 circumvenire Mss, but the word is scarcely defensible though re- 
tained by most editors. I read circummunire with Paul : see note. 
a Pompeio a and most editors: ad Pompeium Ofhl and Paul. 

19 4 obsidione atque oppidi circummunitione MSS. Meusel wouid place 

ofipidi afier circummunitione^ Paul after obsidime. I do not think any 
change is necessary. 

20 I prima vesperi h 1 a : primo vespere f. 

5 eius potestate afbd; in eius potestatem Ohl: cp. B. G. ii. 31 §.3 x^ 
suaque omnia eorum potestati permittere -mih B. G. il. 3 § 2 i'^ suaque 
omnia infidem atque in potestatem populi Romani permittere, 

91 3 iKf operibus all MSS except e which has in; the preposition seems 
necessary and is adopted by Paul, Nipperdey, KH, Dinter : cp. B. G. 
Vll. 81 quas in opere disposuerant. 

4 adserventa.f; observent h 1; either verb would do. 

5 eo Mss, the probable correction vero is due to Faemus. 

223^^ satute sua orat Mss : agit was inserted after sua by Bentley and 
is adopted by most editors : but £. Hoffmann retains the MS reading 
with eum (found in f ) in place of eo, and veterem quoque for veterem- 
5 in ea re Mss : the words are very likely corrupt ; Faeraus conjectured 
iniuria which Paul adopts. 


2 quinquaginta ordines Mss; the editors generally read quinque 
ordinis senatorii after Davis and Nipperdey, but £. Hoffinann 
retains quinquaginta, reading erant quinquaginta; ordinis senatorii 

Z. Caecilius Spinther Rufus MSS, an evident confusion, the name 
Spinther belonging properly to Lentulus, We may read either 
Z. Caecilius Rujus, for whom see note, or JL Vibullius Rufus who 
has been mentioned before. 

3 loquitur quod MSS : the insertion of queriiur afler loquitur had 
occurred to myself before I saw that it had been suggested by 
Halbertsma and is actually adopted by Paul» who however alters 
loquitur to locutus, But I leave the text as it stands, not being 
confident that it is wrong. 

^ cdf Os {ox his) viris MSS, apparently corruptions of Ilviris» Momm- 
sen proposes IVviris^ but the provincial quaituorviri seem to have 
consisted of two bodies of ducviri one of which may have had higlier 
powers than the other. 

5 eo die MSS ; Meusel, Dinter and Paul needlessly read eoJem die, 
26 3 im^iri MSS; Paul needlessly suggests invenire» 

extremis MSS; most editors ab extremis^ some preposition being 
needed : Dr Reid suggests ex maritimis, 

6 pedum XXX all MSS except 1 which has LXXX. 

9 incursus MSS; Paul thinking the word unsuitable reads ingressus, 

26 I turres cum ternis tabulatis MSS; Paul argues that the preposition 

cannot be thus used and so reads quatemis^ which if written IVtemis 
might easily become cum temis. I retain the traditional reading 
though admitting that no exact parallel to it has been produced. 
qpera disturbaret MSS: Paul suggests the omission of opera. 

27 3 oppidum irrumperent Mss; see note. 

4 inaequat mss ; the word is not found elsewhere and Dr Reid 
suggests iniecta aequat, 

5 sagittariis MSs; better sense would be obtained by reading cum 
sagittariis conjectured by Koechly and Reid. Meusel prefers sagitta- 
rios funditoresque^ assuming the words to have been changed to the 
ablative by the proximity of ex evocatis. 

28 ^veterem exercitum MSS; there is no need for £lberling's vetere 

exercitu adopted by Paul. Caesar did not like the idea of Pompey^s 
veteran army in Spain being confirmed by the presence of its leader 
wjthout any interference on his own part. 
- /^s^Ti^/i^us //7 Mss; Davies altered the nunibet to IV^ comparing 


B. C. II. 23 § I, 37 § 4, but there the forces of Domilius are included. 
Curio only took two l^ons with him to Sicily, hence read // with 
Ciacconius and most recent editors. 

5 imperatissimis all MSS, except that 1 has imperitissitnus as a correc- 
tion; I agree with Meusel in thinking that imparatissimus should be 
read. The corruption is easily accounted for by assimilation to the 
preceding ahlative. 

81 3 I retain the reading of the MSS in terra. 

82 5 quodab altero non postularent h 1, alterorum postularent a b; thc varia- 

tions point to the loss of some word between altero and postularent. 

6 legibus MSS ; Aldus restored legionibus. 

88 4 tempus mittat ali MSS except O which has omittat; tha editors 
generally accept Nipperdey*s amittat: Paul dimittat. 

84 I missum a Pompeio MSS; most editors after Aldus write missum in 

Hispaniam^ cp. 38 § i. Nipperdey refers to III. ai § 1 from which it 
appears that Milo who was in exile at Massilia had received instruc- 
tions from VibuUius. But this in itself would not be an argument 
against the words in Hispaniam, since a person on his way from 
Italy to Spain might well pass through Massilia. I prefer however 
to retain the reading of the Mss, on the ground that missum^ *■ had 
been despatched ', ' had been sent on a mission ', would make suflicient 
sense without the addition of the destination. 

2 Sigili Mss, the s having adhered from quas. 

^ad se tfocaverant Mss ; read perhaps evocaverant as Paul suggests. 
5 in omnibus castellis a f h, ^ O (prima manu), 1 omits the preposition. 
So Paul. 

85 ^partes duas hlf; this seenis more forcible than duas partes the 

reading of a, adopted by most editors. 
4 alter bello victas Gallicu MSS; most editors adopt the conjecture of 
Glandorpius victos Sallyas, which would seem to require that the 
second cUter should refer to Pompeius though he is mentioned first. 
Madvig proposed alter bello victa Gallia eadem tribuerit^ which Paul 
adopts with the substitution of alia attribuerit for eadem tribuerit. I 
accept this reading in default of a better. 

86 3 urbis accidant MSs; the editors rightly urbis^ si accidat. 

88 I The words tribus legionibus alter ulteriorem do not occur in any MS 
but are necessary to the sense. They were first insertcd by Nipperdey. 
The omission is easily accounted ior by tbe similarity of the words 
citeriorem and uiteriorem. 

3 totius MSS, a mistake due to Lusiianiae being r<i^acd&d «& ^ %^scc^cc<t^. 


39 1 The word Hispaniae is worse than useless after the previous pro^ 

vinciae and should no doubt be ejected as a gloss. Nipperdey goes 
too far, I think, in omitting the three genitives citerioris provindae^ 
ulterioris Hispaniae^ and utriusque provinciae, Madvig would omit 
only the words ulterioris Hispaniae, The text of this chapter is in a 
sadly disordered condition. 
« ad VI milia auxilia peditum milia most Mss. The number VI is 
right as denoting the number of l^ons sent into Spain by Caesar; 
hence the words ad and milia should probably be omitted. Then a 
numeral seems to be lost between peditum and milia ; this should 
probably be V, cp. Cic. Att. ix. 13 § 4. E. Hoffmann reads prae- 
miserat VI: ad illa (* in addition to these*) auxilia peditum V milia, 

omnibus MSS, except d which has quae omnibus which is probably 

quam ipse pacaverat Mss, rightly I think, as Caesar uses this 
expression in reference to the subjugation of a country, cp. B. G. Iii. 
28 omni Gallia pacata^ etc. Paul writes equitum tria milia ovmibus 
superioribus bellis habuerat etparem ex Gallia numerum ipse paraverat 
nominatim etc. £. Hoffmann equitum tHa milia^ quae omnibus 
superioribus bellis hdbuerat et parem ex Gallia numerum quem ipse 
paraverat nominatim etc. 

huic MSS, huc most editors, et hinc (*and out of them') £. 
Hoffraann ; others suppose some number such as CCCC (Menge) to 
be concealed in this word. I have thought it possible that M (mille) 
may have fallen out after hominum. 

attingunt audierat MSS ; one word at least seems to have fallen 
out after attingunt somewhat similar in form to audierat, perhaps 
adiecerat or culdiderat, Possibly the subject of audiercU has also been 

40 3 congressae MSS; egresscu lurinius rightly, cp. correptis for ereptis in 


proprio legiones mss, except a, which has proprio relegiones; 

Nipperdey's restoration propiore ponte legiones is no doubt right. 

£. Hoffmann (xtX.2\ximg congressae) ^ttiets prope priores regiones, 
impedimentaque MSS, see note: Paul iumentaque, 
iumentorum mss absurdly for vi ventorum which is found in a 

Norwich Mb. 
4 legiones IVh 1 f, legiones III 9ih\ the latter is right. 

41 [ noctu fh\, nocte a; as an adverbial expiession of time withoui any 

adjunct the former is more common in Caesar than the latter. 


2 reliquit af, relinquit hl: there is nothing objectionable in the se« 
quence reliquit, proficiscitury constitit^ facit, Paul reads relinquit 
and consistit to secure uniformity. 

^post hoc MSS, by careless assimilation to opus. 

43 \ in oppido Ilerda et proximo colU MSS; inter having been corrupted 

to in, the rest foUowed as a matter of course. 

planicia a (?) h 1; most editors after other MSS planicies, I 
agree with Meusel who says mihi ^planicies^ nullo modo ferri posse 
videtur^ but I caimot accept h\s planitia. 

3 in locis idoneis MSS ; Paul omits in as contrary to Caesar's usage. 

44 2 reliquisque barbaris genere quodam MSS; I read with Diibner and 

Meusel reliquisque barharis barbaro genere quodam; Dinter and KH 
reliquisque barbaro, Nipperdey and £. Hoffmann retain the reading 
of the MSS: for the text cp. iii. 9 § i DalmcUis reliquisque barbaris. 

3 quibus quisque MSS, quibuscunque Paul. 

4 censuerant oportere MSS ; as oportere cannot easily be constructed 
with servare and discedere^ Paul inserts consuerant after discedere^ 
thinking that its similarity to censuerant may have caused it to drop 
out. Nipperdey and E. Hoffmann alter censuerant to consuerant, 
making an almost impossible construction. I rstain the reading of 
the MSS, adopting doubtfully the explanation given by KH : see note. 
I would suggest as a possible emendation the insertion of se before 
servare and the change of dimitti into dimittere. 

4A 4 directus MSS, but derectus is elsewhere the better attested form. 

5 passuum MSS ; Meusel and Paul passus which is likely to be right. 

7 augebantur iUis copuie O h 1, the rest augebcUur illis copia which can 

hardly be defended; cp. B. C. ii. 41 § 7 hostium copiae...augebantur, 

40 3 summum iugum Mss, except O b which have summum in iugum: 

summa in iugum Forchhammer, and most recent editors. Nipperdey 

in summum iugum. 

47 2 iniiio MSS; there seems no need for PauFs ab initio. 

48 ^comitaius Mss; the same corruption in 51 § i; see too 54 § 5, 

B. G. VIII. 30. 
5 in hibemis Mss; Hellebodius on the ground that this did not ruit 
the plural frumenta (standing crops) altered hibemis to herbis, but 
the plural seems to be conditioned by the foUowing clause, tuque 
multum a maturitatt aberant, I therefore with some hesitation 
retain the reading of the MSS. Paul reads herbis, KH acervis; 
other suggestions are horreisy cavernis, taberms etc. 
61 T comitatus MSS ; cp. 48 § 4. 

B£L. CIV. I. I X 


1 Hberisque MSS; I accept Hotoman's conjecture libertisque; if 
Caesar had written libcris here in the sense of * children * I do not 
think he would have placed it after servis; on the other hand liberis 
in the sense of ' free men * would give no proper sense here, though 
a copyist might well substitute it for libertis from a vague remem- 
brance of lii. 14 § 3 ^«^ servis liberisque omnibus, 3« § ^ servorum ac 
liberorum^ 80 § 3 servorum ac liberorum: for libertis cp. i 34 § 3 
servis libertis colonis suis. 

62 i Ais tamen omnibus annona crevit MSS; I retain tamen which Paul 
after Hellebodius alters to tum, The omission of rebus is rare but 
not unexampled. Paul inserts it here. 

inopia praesentis MSS: I adopt PauPs praesenti which would 
easily contract an s from the foUowing sed: cp. § 4 praesentem 
inopiam, III. 17 § d praesentis periculi atque incpiae vitandae causa, 
4 quo MSS; read quod, 

tutabaiur MSS; suggested corrections are sustentabatt ievabat, 
mitigabat, See note. 

58 2 muUarum rumorc orat fingebant a, multa rumore Jingebant f, 
mulia rumor fingebat O h 1. I follow Nipperdey in reading multa 
rumore affingebantur, which is defended by B. G. Vli. 1 addunt 
ipsi et affingunt rumoribus Galli. KH and Dinter after Stephanus 
read multa rumor affingebatf E. Hoffmann multa rumore finge- 

54 2 primum all MSS but C which has prima; before levi af insert eXy 

h 1 fl, the former is doubtless right : hence read carinae ac prima 
staiumina ex levi materia fiebant. E. Hoffmann reads carinae ac 
primum sitatumen alvei materia ficbant, 

4 instituit a b c, institutum h 1 f. 

5 commeatuSf here again one or two inferior MSS have comitatus^ cp. 

48 § 4- 

55 I quam magnum Ohl, iam magnum a: Paul suggcsts permagnum; 

perhaps Caesar wrote non ita magnum^ cp. B. G. IV. 37 non ita 
magno suorum numero circumsteterunt, 
1 centuriatis MSS, corrected to cetrcttis by Manutius. 
57 3 et exercitati MSS; Nipperdey needlessly omitted et. 

4 digressi Massiliensibus MSS ; but the preposition a is needed. 

pastoresque indomiti MSS; no doubt a corruption of pastoresque 
Domitii (probably written Domitt), The correction is due to Dubner. 
^B j excipiebant MSS ; there is no need to insert non as Kraner does, or to 
read tf/rct^/edanf. 


3 nostri does not occur in the Mss; if written compendiously it might 
easily be absorbed by the nt of the previous word. 

neque dum eiiam Mss; the phrase is rather awkward with ium 
eiiam immediately following, but I see no reason to regard it as 
69 2 longe Mss; most editors longo, The ablalive may be defended by 
B. G. IV. 10 Rhenus...longo spalio per fines Naniuaiium...ciiaius 
fertur. Meusel retaining longe alters angnsiius to angusiiore to agioe 
with spaiio. 
^praeter consueiudinem omnium MSS; as Caesar does not elsewhere 
add omnium to the phrase praeler consuetudinem Paul would read 
omninOf but I do not think the change is necessary. 

constituerani Mss; Meusel, Paul, Dinter, insiiiuerant {or no va\id 

60 2 insequuntur Mss; as insequi generally means *hostili animo sequi', 

Meusel and Paul would read sequuntur here and seqtubcUur in ii, 
38 § 3; but in other writers insequi often means *to follow*, *to 
come next *, and Caesar himself uses the participle insequats in this 
sense with annus and dies. I see no reason therefore to alter the 

61 2 ipsilocis excedere MSS; the addition of his or iis before or after locis 

is hardly necessary. 

3 absentis timebani MSS, inserting Pompei between manserunt and 
magnis. AU editors since Davis agree in placing the name after 

4 conquirere Toiogesma Mss; editors conquirereet Octogesam; Hotoman 
conquiri which would make the sentence more regular, but departs 
more widely from the rcading of the MSS. 

aberat XX MSS; geographical considerations require that XXX 
should be read. Numerals of this kind are of course peculiarly liable 
to corruption in MSS. 

ccutraque O f, castra h 1 a, muniuntur all MSS. I read with Paul 
casira muniuniury other editors castra muniunt. 

62 I reduxerat rem MSS; Caesar always deducere rem^ hence Paul reads 

deduxerat rem* I prefer rem deduxeraiy which if written re deduxerat 
would easily be corrupted to reduxerat and then rem would be added, 
In all other passages in Caesar the noun precedes the verb. 
2 exstare et MSS, except b which has exstarent et, no doubt rightly. 
68 I castra coniungunt h 1 f , iungunt a b ; the former is read by Paul and 
E. Hoffmann. 

vx — '^ 


3 morari atque Uer impedire Mss; Paul, comparing B. G. vii. 40 iter 
eorum moratur atque impedit^ reads impedire iter. The suggestion is 
probable, but there would be no great difficulty in mentally supplying 
eos with morari, If any change is needed I should prefer to transpose 
atque and iter. 

64 I interrumpi MSS; Nipperdey irrumpi^ Forchhammer iter interrumpi, 
iferri MSS; the editors agree in reading inferri, 

4 tantae magnitudini fluminis a f, tantae magnitudinis fluminis O h 1 
{yA^ flumini as a correction in O) : cp. magnitudo fluminis 50 § i, 
aquae magnitudo 40 § 3, 50 § 2. The reading of O tantae magni- 
tudinis flumini * to a river of such size * would be equally good. 

7 arma in flumine MSS ; Nipperdey abrepti vi ftuminis^ Diibner ahlati 
flumine. It is difficult to account satisfactorily for the corruption in 

the MSS. 

8 addito ad vadum circuitu all MSS except c, which places ad vculum 
hQioTt fluminisy and so all recent editors. Forchhammer and Dubner 
regard the words as a marginal gloss. 

65 4 montes intra se recipiebant MSS, Nipperdey rightly montes intrare 

cupiebant: apparently intrare was confused with intra se^ then the 
syllable re^ added as a correction, became attached to cupiebant. 
Aldus read intra numtes se recipiebant. 

66 I cuUtquandi causa MSS; this may be due to a confusion between 

aquandi causa and ad aquandum. 
91 ^ ad lucem multum per se MSS ; most editors retain this with the 
substitution of cU for ad. The whole sentence is strangely worded, 
and there may be some deep-seated corruption. See my note. 
F. Edndscher and E. S. Thompson suggest praesentiay in which case 
tribunorum...praesentia wouid balance omnium oculis, 
6 emncit all MSS, but vincit occurs as a correction in O. 

68 I exercitum educit MSS ; Aldus restored ducit: the mistake arose from 

the preceding educit. 
2 inermes f, inermis a, b, inermi h 1 ; there is little or no authority for 
the form inermus in Caesar. 

69 I nec necessarii 1 a f , nos ftec necessarii h ; read perhaps with Morus 

nostros necessarii. E. S. Thompson cj. nostris necesse rati...coactis, 
2 consilium suum laudibus ferebant Mss; Pluygers and Paul read 
efferebant comparing iii. 87 § i Pompei consilium summis laudibus 
efferret: in the present passage it is possible that we should read 
suum summis. 

ad iter MSS; proficisci ad iter is an unusual if not unexampled 


phrase ; Paul alters the words to ab Ilerda. I agree with KH that no 
change is needed: * having started (from the camp) for their joumey'. 
91 i id Cf idem hla; Paul suggests ipsum. 

ex omnibus partibus a f, omnibus partibus h 1. 

3 sui timoris MSS; Pauly*s conjecture summi is attractiye. 

4 aliquo loco MSS : aequo and alio have been suggested, but I do not 
think any change is necessary. 

72 5 in monHbus * only two inferior Mss ' (Nipperdey) ! the preposition 

seems necessary, cp. ai § 3. 
78 2 nuntiantur MSS; Paul nuntiatur as more in accordance with 

Caesar's usage, but there is no need for the change, cp. i. 4 § i 

Caesar enim adventare iam iamque et adesse eius equites falso nuntia- 

3 et sine timore MSS except a which has uty hence Paul is probably 

right in thinking that the correct reading is ineipiunt, intra munitio- 

nem ut sine timore etc. 
74 7 deinde imperatoris fidem quaerunt MSS ; Ciacconius proposed dein 

de imperatoris fide quaerunt^ and so Madvig with deinde for dein, 

This is accepted by Paul and Dinter. It may be remarked that 

there is only one instance of dein in Caesar, viz. 64 § a; deinde is 


5 quos illi evocaverant h 1 f, quos evocaverant a b ; I adopt the former 
with Paul. 

76 I Afranio MSs; Afranius is an obvious but unnecessary conjecture. 
7e ^produeat MSS; all editors producatur^ but the active is not certainly 


77 a ampliores ordines Mss ; in priores ordines was restored by Ciacconius 

and is adopted by all editors. 

78 I non nulli MSS; non nullam restored by Gr^rphius. 

dierum XXII MSS; the number is too great; I propose XII as 
more likely to have been corrupted to XXII than GoIer*s VIII or 
Dinter's VIL 
1 adprandium Mss, a curious blunder iox parandum, 
70 i pluresque Mss; Paul accepts £Iberling's conjecture equitesque and 
alters subsistebant to sustinebant^ bnt perhaps no change is necessary. 

3 adversos MSS, but aversos must be read. 

4 relinquebatur : this word owing to the resemblance of its first syllable 
to the preceding res caused much confhsion in the MSS; they vary 
between res rei inquirebatur^ res relinquirebantur, rei tum inquireba • 


5 auxilns MSS ; Madvig auxilio tor no satisfactory reason. 

80 4 relictis legionibus MS.s ; Herz<^'s rdiquis adopted by Paul would 

hardly be sense and is not supported by the two passages quoted in 
defence of it, B. G. ii. 17 § 2 and iv. 24 § i: the best correction 
that I have seen is refectis adopted by £. HofTmann and Dinter. 
KH think that the word legionibus took the place of itnpedimentis 
which was then transferred to follow praesidio^ and so read relictis 
impedimentis subsequitur, prcusidio paucas etc. 

81 3 convertunt MSS; Madvig conferunt^ Pauly conectunt. No change is 


remedia dabantur MSS ; Madvig unnecessarily inedebantur. 

5 supplices male haberi MSS, but b and perhaps a have suppliciis^ 
which is no doubt right and is accepted by recent editors. 

6 ad id expeditiores Mss ; id is meaningless ; I accept iter suggested by 
Manutius and adopted by Paul. 

82 I Ccusaris MSS, Paul Caesari^ which is very Hkely right. 

rei quae munitionis fiebat causa (or causa fiebat) MSS; Forch- 
hammer restored reliquae: when this had been corrupted to rei quae, 
fiebat was added to make some sense. Nipperdey with less pro- 
bability bracketed the words quae munitionis fiebat, 

2 proelio diffugisse MSS ; proelium defugisse is required. 

3 eisdem de causis MSS ; it seems necessary to eject de with Paul. 
spatii brevitas . . .ad summam victoriae MSS; Madvig spatii brevitate summam victoria, so too Meusel. I prcfer to retain the text. 

4 hinc MSS ; though hinc is not elsewhere used by Caesar in this 
partitive sense, I prefer retaining it to reading horum with Paul. 

88 I tertia MSS; the corruption is due fo the preceding acies. 

3 The MSS omit ne^ and h 1 insert non before committeret; it is more 
likely that ne was absorbed by nisi than that it was omitted or 
corrupted into non before committeret. I therefore foUow Nipperdey 
and other recent editors rather than Paul. 

tameti Mss; the editors alter this to tum; the two words are 
often confused in mss, yet I cannot see the need for change here. 
The idea is * though each seemed to attain his object, yet the afTair 
drags on and in reality neither side gains any advantage \ 

84 /^fetninas MSS, a strange blunder {oxferas. 

5 necesse habeant O a f , necesse habeat h 1, rightly I think. So Paul 
after Madvig. 

85 2 j^ omitted in MSS, rightly supplied by Aldus : the omission led to 

the false reading twiuerint for noluerit. 


5 humanitate MSS ; humilitate restored by Aldus. 

6 neqtu tot tantasque classes paratas MSS; the editors generally regard 
this passage as corrupt, but see note. Nipperdey proposes neque tot 
tantaque auxilia parata^ Paul reads neque cquitatus peditcUusque tania 
auxilia parata^ too wide a departure from the Mss. 

8 praesidia Mss : Aldus restored praesideat, 

tot annos O h 1, tot annis a f ; either would be correet, cp. B. C. 
m* 59 § I ^«^ principatum in civitate multis annis (all Mss) 
obtinueraty B. G. i. 3 regnum in Sequanis multos annos obtinuerat. 

9 ut semper Jit per paucos MSS ; Aldus altered Jit to sed^ and recent 
editors follow him ; perhaps we should read ut semper fit^ sed etc. 

etiam omitted in h 1 f. 

quod MSS, quom Nipperdey, quin Madvig, Paul, KH. 
12 sed si id sit facttim MSS; sed is of course wrong, it was perhaps 
originally a corruption of si id. 

86 4 sacramentum all MSS except h 1 which have sacramenio; this may 

be right, but cp. 23 § 5 where all MSS have scuramentumf and 11. 28 
§ 1 sacramenti quod...dixisscnt. 

87 I quid MSS, quod Nipperdey and most editors. 

qui amiserant MSS, except f which has amiserint: the indicative 
is not incorrect. 

restituat MSS : Stephanus restored resiiiuaiur. 
1 intus MSS, except b which has iustius: Guilelmus restored in ius. 
-^flagitareiur Mss, Dinter ; Aldus and other tdxioxs flagitarentur. 

postulatum est Mss, except a which omits est^ and *two inferior 
MSS* which have postulant. Dinter reads postidarunt^ which is 
necessary to the sense \{ flagitaretur be read; yiWi flagUarentur we 
may retain postulaium est. 


{The first number indicates the chapter^ the second the section,) 

ab 23 3 

ablative 7 6, 12 3, 18 5, 21 i, 22 5, 
2*4, 81 3, 32 3,34 *r, 36 5,40 i, 
44 2, 46 I, 47 3, 48 i, 60 3, 55 3, 
67 5, 68 1,704,743,81 1,81 3, 
85 5, 85 8 

absens 9 2, 85 8 

accusative 40 2 

actuarius 27 6 

o^ 62 2, 64 8, 78 9 

adigere 76 3 

aditus 31 2, 74 5 

adventus 15 3 

aerarium 14 i , 33 3 

Afranius L. 87 i 

Africa 80 2 

Ahenobarbus Cn, Domitius 23 2 

Ahenobarbus JL Domitius 6 5, 
16 6 

alariae cohottes 78 3 

^//Ja 16 7, 24 3 

albere 68 i 

a//Vzj 69 2 

Ancona 11 4 

antesignani 43 3 

ApoUinis aedes 6 i 

Aquitani 39 2 

Arelate 86 4 

Ariminum 8 i 

ar;7/<z conferre 74 3 

Arretium 11 4 

Asculum 16 3, 16 i 

assuefactus 44 2 
attraction 18 i, 47 2 
Ausetani 60 2 
Auximum 12 3 

Barcino 87 i 
beneficiarii 76 « 
Brundisium 2i i 
Bruttii 80 4 
Brutus D. lunius 36 5 

caecus 28 4 

Caesar L, S 2 

Calagurritani 60 1 

Caienus Q. Fufius tl 4 

Camerinum 16 5 

Campanus 14 4 

Cantabri 38 3 

Canusium 24 i 

Caralis 30 3 

carpere 63 2 

castella 18 6 

Ca/<? ^. Porcius 4 2, 80 4 

Celtiberia 88 3 

censere 67 i 

centurio 18 4, 17 4, 46 4 

chronology 11 4, 24 i, 82 

69 I, 80 3 
Cm^ 48 3 
Cingulum 14 2 
circiter 22 i 
Hrcumscribere 82 6 




classes 85 6 

cogere 3 4 

cohors praetoria 75 2 

cohortes alariae 73 3, scuialcLe 39 i 

colligere 14 4 

conclatnare 66 2 

conferre arma 74 3 

confidere 12 3 

comilium 67 i 

contio 17 4 

contribuere 60 i 

conventus 14 4 

Corfinium 15 6, 17 1 

coni, price of 62 2 

6V7J^{ 33 2 

C^//a /,. Aurelius 6 5 

C^/^rt ^. Aurelius 30 2 

^«w 79 3, cum..Jum 58 3 

cupide 14 2 

dadve 8 3, 12 3, 
decuriones 13 i 
deducere 30 i, m// 

34 4, 72 4 

62 I 

descendere 9 5, 81 5 
diflidere 12 2 

DomitiuSy see Ahciiobarbus 
ducere bellum 61 3 
^MX^/ 68 4 
duumviri 30 f 
Dyrrachium 25 3 

equites 71 2 
^/j/ 67 5 
evocati 3 3, 17 4 
^^ 31 2, 70 3, 82 5 
excipere 58 i 
excitare 25 9 
excusatio 8 4 
explicare 78 3 
exponere 81 8 
extraordinarius 32 2 

Fabius C. 18 5, 
Fanum 11 4 
Firmum 14 3, 
fiagitart 87 3 
Frentani 23 5 
fretum 29 2 

37 i 

16 I 

21 1,42 3,443,487,51 1,583, 
69 3, 74 7 

gladiatores 14 4 

Hispania 95, 33 i 
Ai^r^ 64 8 

Jacetani 60 2 

Igilium 34 2 

Jguvium 12 I 

Jlerda 46 2 

Jllurgavonenses 60 2 

impedimcnta 40 3 

imperium 6 6 

iniungere 4 4 

intercessio 5 i 

interesse 24 5 

irrumpere 27 3 

f/^r iustum 23 5, magnum 15 6 

/m^^ 6 4 

iudicii sui esse 13 i 

iugerum 17 4 

Jarinates 23 5 

J^cntulus L. Cornelius 1 i, 1 3, 

4 I 
Lentulus P, Corfteiius Spinthcr^ 

/f.*r Cornelia 6, 7, /»/m 14 4, 

Pompeia 32 3, Trebonia 29 3 
Ze^tf Z. Scribonius 26 3 
//^//fl 84 I 

Longinus Q. CcLssius 1 i 
J^ucani 30 4 
Luceria 24 i 
Lusitania 88 3 

Magius N. 26 2 
tnanus ferreae 57 2 
Marcellus C. Claudius 1 i 
Marrucini 23 5 
Marsi 20 4 
Massilia 34 2 
Manretania 6 3 
Metellus L. Caecilius 33 3 
misercUio 86 i 
mittere signa 71 3 
momentum 21 i 

t^enitive 4 2, 5, 5 3, 7 i, 13 i, 20 2, necessario 64 3 



///// 45 6 
non niillus 78 i 
Noricum 18 5 
niincupare 6 6 

occurrere 40 4 
Octogesa 61 5 
<7//««? 47 I, 82 2 
^r^(£7 8 2, 13 3 
Oscenses 60 i 

paludatus 6 6 

paries 17 3, 85 i 

patronus 35 4 

/^r 68 2, 85 3 

perfect ^rd p. pl. in -re 61 5 

permiscere 32 5 

perscribere 5 4 

pervenire 61 2 

Petreius M. 38 i 

Philippus L, Marcius 6 5 

Picenum 12 3 

pilum 13 4 

Pisaurum 11 4 

Plancus L. Mitnatius 40 5 

planities 43 i 

pomerium 6 i 

pontijices 22 4 

potiri 21 I 

praefectura 16 i 

praefectus fabnini 24 4 

praesentia 6 4 

praetor=praetorius 6 6, 12 i 

praetorium 76 2 

primus pilus 13 4 

privilegium 32 3 

proferre 14 i 

pronoun omilted 30 3, anticipa- 

tory 71 I, 72 i 
pronuntiare 2 5 
prosequi 69 1 
Pyrenaei 37 i 

qnaerere 67 i, 74 2 
quattuorviri 23 4 
^/// 44 3, 48 7, 66 4, 87 1 
quindecim primi 36 i 
quoad 68 i 

Fehilus C. Caninius 26 3 

recepius 1 3 
referre ad senatum 1 i 
m omitted 62 i 
;rj: 4 2 

Rubrius L. 23 2 
Rufus L. Caecilius 23 2 
Rufus M. Caeiius 2 4 
Rufus P, Sulpicius 74 6 
Riifus L. Vibidlius 15 4 
Ruscino 37 i 
Ruteni 61 i 

sagum 76 3 

saltem 6 2 

Sardinia 30 2 

iSiuirn Z. Dccidius 66 3 

Scipio Q. Caeci/ius Metellus 1 4 

scutatae cohofies 39 i 

secessio 7 5 

senaius consultum ultimum 6 3, 

Sictlia 26 2 

siptamit/ere 71 3, tramfcrre 60 4 
si/entium 27 5 
simul 30 3 
socius 6 4 
j/«/v 41 3 
statumen 64 2 
j/^^ 27 2, 28 3 
siibject changed 61 4 
subjunctive 19 2, 21 6, 22 2, 36 3, 
43 2, 61 i,Ci7 4, 794, B5 11,87 


suffragari 61 3 

•Sz/i/a Faustus 6 3 
summa 21 6, 67 5, 82 3 
suppetere 49 i 
jf///j 61 3 
»Syr/a 6 5 

tamen 7 3 

Tarrcuina 24 3 

Tarraco 37 i 

Thermus 12 i 

tormenta 17 3 

TorqucUus L. Manlius 24 3 

tragula 57 a 

trahere bellum 61 3 

transferre signa 60 4 

Trebonius C 86 5 



tribuni militutn 20 i 
tribunicial iDviolability 7 2 
Truentum 14 3, 16 i 
Tubero Z. Aelius 30 -2 
tumultus 7 7 
turris ambulatoria 36 4 

^rw -^. TerenHus 38 i 
^mr «S>:r. Quintilius 23 3 
Varus Jliimcii 86 5 

z/^/z 66 3 

vesper 8 i, 20 i 

Vettones 38 1 

vigilia 22 i, 63 3 

voces 2 6 

Volcae Arecomici 36 4 

voluntas 8 6 

M/ M I, 46 8, 86 I, 86 2 

^//Va 31 3 





V^biumes of the latter series are marked by a dagger f. 






Prometheus Vinctus 


A ves — Pl u tus — Ranae 


Nubes, Vespae 



f > 





Philippics I, II, III 










Hercules Furens 




Iphigeneia in Aulis 








Book I 

** V 




„ IX 1—89 


Odyssey ix, x 


*> XXI 


»» XI 


Iliad VI, XXII, XXIII, xxiv 


Iliad IX and X 


Somnium, Charon, etc. 


Menippus and Timon 


Apologia Socratis 


Crito, Euthyphro 














Oedipus Tyrannus 


Book III 


fiook IV 






3/6 each 


3/6 each 







G. A. Davies 










Gray & Hutchinson 2/- 
















4/- each 




2/6 each 






»/- each 










2/6 each 

J. & A. M. Adam 4/6 













GREEK continued 






Book VI 




Book VII 








Anabasis I-II 




I, III, IV, V 

_ », 

2/- each 


II, VI, Vil 


2/6 each 

t », 

I, 11, III, IV, V, VI 


1/6 each 

(Witk compUte vocabularies) 


Hellenics i-ii 




Cyropaedeia i 












„ VI, VII, viii 




Memoiabilia i, ii 



2/6 each 

The volumes marked * contain vocabularies 


Silva Latina 




Eccl. History iii, iv 

Mayor & Lumby 7/6 


In Britain and Belgium 




De Bello Gallico 

Com. I, iii, VI, VIII 


1/6 ecuh 

„ ii-iii, and VII 


2/- each 

,, i-in 




,» iv-v 




T »» 

„ I, II,III, 1V,V,VI,VI1 


1/6 each 


De Bello Gallico. Bk i 



[Witk vocabulary only : no 

' notes) : 


De Bello Gallico. Bk vii 




De Belio Civili. Com. i 




,, ,, Com. III 




Actio Prima in C. Verrem 




De Amicitia, De Senectute 


3/6 each 


De Officiis. Bk iii 




Pro Lege Manilia 


. ik 


Div. in Q. Caec. et Actio 


Prima in C. Verrem 

Heitland & Cowie 3/- 


Ep. ad Atticum. Lib. ii 




Orations against Catiline 




In Catilinam i 




Philippica Secunda 




Pro Archia Poeta 




„ Balbo 




„ Milone 




„ Murena 




„ Plancio 




„ Roscio 




„ Sulla 




Somnium Scipionis 





Easy selections from cor- 




^ComeUnB Nepoa Four parts 


1/6 eacA 










G. M. Edwards 

LATIN coniinued 

Colloqiiia Latina 
Colloquia Latina 

( With vocabulary only : no notes) 
Altera CoUoquia Latina 
Epistles. Bk i Shuckburgh 

Odes and Epodes Gow 

Odes. Books i, iii 

„ Booksii, iv; Epodes 
Satires. Book i 






















H. J. Edwards 
,, (adapted from) Story of the Kings of Rome G. M. Edwards 








(With vocabulary only: no notes) 
Horatius and other Stories 






( With vocabulary only: no notes) 
Exercises on Edwards's The 
Stbry of the Kings of Rome Caldecott 
(adapted from) Camillus and Other Stories G. M. Edwards 





21' each 
l/6 each 





2/6 each 

2/6 each 










I »» 





QulntuB Onrtius 






■/6 ttet 


Heitland & Haskins r/6 

Pharsalia. Bk i 

De Bello Civili. Bk vii Postgate 

Books III and v Duff 

Fasti. Book vi Sidgwick 

Metamorphoses, Bk i Dowdall 

,, Bk VIII Summers 

Phaethon and other stories G. M. Edwards 

Selections from the Tristia Simpson 


Fables. Bks i and II 




Letters. Book vi 

Alexander in India 



Agricola and Germania 

Hislories. Bk i 

„ Bk III 

Aeneid i to xii 






Heitland & Raven 










Georgics i, II, and lii, iv 

Complete Works, Vol. i, Text 

,, „ Vol. II, Notes 

Opera Omnia B. K, Yjkmrr&^ 










.. 3/- 
1/6 ecu:h 

1/6 each 







The vohimes marked * contain vocabularies 




Le Roi des Montagnes 


Le Medecin de Campagne 


Quand j'etais petit, Pts I, ll 


L'Art Poetique 






La Suite du Menteur 

De Bonnecliose 

Lazare Hoche 


Bertran(^ du Guesclin 



,, Part II 


Le Vieux Celibataire 


Louis XI 


Les Enfants d'Edouard 

De Lamartine 

Jeanne d'Arc 

De Vigny 

La Canne de Jonc 


La Fortune de D'Artagnan 

*Du Camp, Maxime La Dette de Jeu 


Le Chien du Capitaine 



Erckmann-Chatrian La Guerre 

Le Blocus 

( With vocahulary only: no notes) 



Payen Payne 


Nichol Smith 



G. Masson 




Clapin & Ropes 



Payen Payne 
















Madame Th6r^se 

Histoire d'un Conscrit 

Exercises on ' Waterloo * 

Voyage en Italie (Seleclions) Payen Payne 

Discours sur rHistoire de la 

R^volution d*Angleterre 
Les Burgraves 
Selected Poems 
Fr^degonde et Brunehaut 
Remi et ses Amis 
Remi en Angleterre 
Colomba (Abridged) 
Louis XI & Charles the Bold 
Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme 
L'ficole des Femmes 
Les Precieuses ridicules 

, , [A bj-idged edition) 
Le Misanthrope 
Fairy Tales 

























( With vocabulary only: no notes) 
La Metromanie Masson 

Charlotte Corday 
Les Plaideurs 

, , ( Abridged edition ) 
M. Daru 



G. Masson 



' each 


















FRENCH continutd 


Sandeau Mdlle de la Seigliere Ropes 

Soribe ft Legouv^ Bataille de Dames Bull 

Scrlbe Le Verre d'Eau Colbeck 

S^daine Le Philosophe sans le savoir Bull 

Souvestre Un Philosophe sous les Toits Eve 

Le Serf & Le Chevrier de Lorraine Ropes 



Le Serf 





Stael, Mme de 







Zavier de 

( With vocabulary only: no notes) 
French Verse for upper forms 
Le Directoire Masson & Prothero 

Dix Annees d'Exil (Book II 

chapters i — 8) 
Lettres sur 1'histoire de 

France (xiii — xxiv) 
Recits des Temps Merovin- 

giens, I — III 
Histoire du Si^cle de Louis 

XIV, in three parts Masson & Prothero 
jLa Jeune Siberienne. LeJ ^^3600 
\ Lepreux de la Cit^d^AosteJ 


The volumes marked * contain vocabularies 

Masson & Ropes 






















Eight Stories 

Dr Wespe 

Der Staat Friedrichs des 

Die Journalisten 
Knabenjahre (1749 — '7^') 
Hermann und Dorothea 
Iphigenie auf Tauris 
Twenty Stories 
Zopf und Schwert 
Der geheime Agent 
Das Bild des Kaisers 




Wagner & Cartmell 



Miiner Barry 

Das Wirthshaus im Spessart Schlottmann & Cartmell 
Die Karavane Schlottmann 

Der Scheik von Alessandria Rippmann 






Der Oberhof 

Die deutschen Heldenss^en 

Das Jahr 181 3 

Minna von Barnhelm 

Nathan Der Weise 
Lessing: ft Gellert Selected Fables 
Mendelssolin Selected Letters 
Saumer Der erste Kreuzzug 

Riehl Culturgeschichtliche Novellen 

Die Ganerben & Die Ge- 
rechtigkeit Gottes 
SehiUer Wilhelm Tell Breul 

, , (Abridgeii edition ) 







James Sime 

















GERMAN continueui 






Geschichte des dreissigjah- 

rigen Kriegs. Book III. 




Maria Stuart 




Wallenstein, In i parts 





Prinz Eugen von Savoyen 




Ernst, Herzog von Schwaben 



German Dactylic Poetry 



Ballads on German History 





La Ilustre Fregona &c. 



Le Sage & Isla 

Los Ladrones de Asturias 








Historical Ballads 



Old Ballads 




English Patriotic Poetry 



Nineteenth Century Essays 




History of the Reign of 

King Henry VII 








New Atlantis 

G. C. M. 1 


1 t/6 


A Selection of Poems 

W. T. Toung 



American Speeches 




Conciliation with America 




















t „ 


Ptologue and Knight's Tale M. Bentinck-Smith 2/6 

Winstanley 2/6 
Lumby 4/- 

Masterman 2/- 

West 3/- & 4/- 



Clerkes Tale and Squires Tale 

Prose Works 

Robinson Crusoe, Part I 


Traveller and Deserted Village 


Ode on the Spring and The Bard 

Ode on the Spring and The El^[y „ 

The Heroes E. A. Gardner 

Tales from Shakespeare. 2 Series Flather 

Lord Clive Innes 

Warren Hastings 

William Pitt and Earl of Chatham 

John Bunyan ,, 

John Milton Flather 

Lays and other Poems , , 

History of England Chaps. I — iii Reddaway 

A Sketch of Ancient Philosophy 

from Thales to Cicero 
Handbook of English Metre 
Ode on the Nativity, L'Alle-) 

gro, II Penseroso & Lycidas) 
Comus & Lycidas 

5amson Agonistes 











1/6 each 















Bbakespeare fc 








• > 






ENGLI8H cmtinued 


Paradise Lost, six parts 
History of King Richard III 

Essay on Criticism 

Lady of the Lake 
Lay of the last Minstrel 
Legend of Montrose 
Lord of the Isles 
Old Mortality 
The Talisman 
Quentin Durward 

A Midsummer-Night's Dream 
Twelfth Night 
Julius Caesar 
The Tempest 
King Lear 
Merchant of Venice 
King Richard II 
As You Like It 
King Henry V 
Fletcher Two Noble Kinsmen 
An Apologie for Poetrie 
Fowre Hymnes 
Fifty Poems, 1830— 1864 
Selected Poems 

Editor Price 

Verity «/- each 

Lumby 3/6 








Shuckburgh 3/- 

MissWinstanley 2/- 
Lobban 2/6 

Miss Thomson 1/6 









A. S. Gaye 


A. S. Gaye 













Elements of English Grammar 

English Grammar for Beginners 

Key to English Grammars 

Revised English Grammar 

Revised English Grammar for Beginners 

Key to Revised Graramars 

Short History of British India 

Elementary Commercial Geography 

Atlas of Commercial Geography 

Church Catechism Explained 

The Prayer Book Explained. Part I 


5/6 nct 


^16 net 









Elementary Algebra 

Geometrical Drawing, In 2 parts 

Books I — VI, XI, XII H. M. Taylor 

Books I— VI 

Books I— IV 



1/0 each 








MATHEMATIC8 cmtinued 

Work Editor Price 

And separately 

Books I, & II; III, & IV; v, & vi; xi,& xii i/6 ecuh 
Solutions to Exercises in Taylor*s 

Euclid W. W. Taylor 10/6 

Solutions to Bks l — iv 
Solutions to Books vi, xi 
Hobsonft Jesfiop Elementary Piane Trigonometry 






Smitli, C. 



Hale, G. 

Elements of Statics and Dynamics 

Part i. Elements of Statics 
„ II. Elements of Dynamics 
Elements of Hydrostatics 
Solutions to Examples, Hydrostatics 
Solutions of Examples, Statics and Dynamics 
Mechanics and Hydrostatics 
Arithmetic for Schools, with or without answers 

Part I. Chapters i — vill. Eleraentary, with 

or without answers 

Part II, Chapters IX — XX, with or witliout 

Key to Smith*s Arithmetic 





tBldder ft Baddeley Domestic Economy 

(The Education of the Young} 
( from the Republic of Plato J 
Aristotle on Education 
Life and Educational Works 
General Aims of the Teacher ) 
Form Management ) 

i-Hope ft Browne A Manual of School Hygiene 
Locke Thoughts on Education 

tMacCann The Making of Character 

Milton Tractate on Education 

Sidgwick On Stimulus 

Thrin^: Theory and Practice of Teaching 




S. S. Laurie 3/6 

vol. 1/6 

R. H. Quick 3/6 

O. Browning 2/- 




A Short History of the Expansion of 
the British Empire (1500 — 191 1) 

An Outline History ot the British 
Empire (1500 — 191 1) 


1/6 net 

ilOttUott: FETTER LANE, E.C. 

C. F. CLAY, Manager 
a^mtoflb: 100, PRINCIS STK^KI